Gozareshhayi az Enqelab-e Mashrutiyyat-e Iran, Mohammad Amin Rasulzadeh (tr. Rahim Ra’isniya, introduction by Kaveh Bayat), Tehran, Iran: Shirazeh, 1998 ISBN 964-6578, 228 pp. 360

In an article published a month later, Rasulzadeh still affirms that, although the Iranian constitution was signed by the Shah, it was won due to the blood sacrificed by the people. But, contrary to the previous article, he recognized that this was not Iran’s Bloody Sunday and prayed that Iran would not have to suffer such a tragedy in defense of its freedom, expressing certainty indeed that it would not. In this article, he took a much more sober and nuanced view of Iran’s future. He says that in the royal decree for the constitution, there is no mention of the village poor, only of the wealthy and aristocratic classes. Such negligence is a threat to the survival of the constitutional order. Moreover, the constitution’s content depends on who is elected to the Majlis, and the experience of the Russian Duma shows how this can lead to the betrayal of the constitutional order. A free press is needed to expose any attempts by the government to steal the elections. Moreover, since the people have been kept illiterate, freedom of speech and assembly are also necessary as are trade unions. So all this requires that many liberals [hürriyyətpərəstlər] be elected. “İran İşləri”, İrşad, No. 186, August 8, 1906 in ibid., p. 68. Of course, it would suffer far more… One of these liberals was Mullah Fazl Ali of the Tabriz Majlis delegation whom a correspondent caught up with after he had addressed a group of Iranian foreign workers while passing through Baku. He told them that the Iran which forced them to seek work abroad for a morsel of bread will be changed. In an interview with this correspondent, he said he was for eliminating the oppression of the peasants by their landlords and guaranteed equality between men and women. “Təbriz Vəkillərinin Bakıda Təvəqqüfləri”, Təkamül, No. 4, January 11, 1907 in ibid., pp. 103-104. Sheikh Fazl Ali Tabrizi had a vehement disgust for Shiite Islam and was very much a free-thinker, having been introduced to modernism through an uncle who had dabbled in Freemasonry. See his memoirs in Gholam-Hoseini Mirza Saleh, Bohran-e Demokrasi dar Majles-e Avval: Khaterat va Namehayeh Khosusiye Mirza Fazl-Ali Aqa Tabrizi (Tehran, 1993) In the event, I have found no indication that he struggled for either of these causes.

In the meantime, starting late 1908, Rasulzadeh starts produce real journalism about the fighting in Iran. The reports he transmits from his Tabriz correspondent about the fighting between the constitutionalists and the reactionaries provide details I haven’t seen anywhere else. “İrana Dair: Təbriz Ahvalatı”, “Təbrizdən”, “İrandan Bizə Yazırlar” in Tərəqqi, Nos. 32, 43,76, August 19, September 3, and October 14, 1908 in ibid., pp. 199-203 and 245. Later on, he produces dispatches from Tabriz reporting on the desperate state the population has been reduced to by the cruel siege imposed on it by the central government. “İran İşlərinə Dair”, Tərəqqi No. 124, December 11, 1908 in ibid., pp. 283-285. He later wrote an illuminating essay about the politics of the Bakhtiari tribes. “İran İşlərinə Dair: Bəxtiyar Eli ne Poltika Tutuyor?!”, Tərəqqi No. 124, December 11, 1908 in ibid., pp. 297-299. Perhaps his most interesting journalism from Iran is his eye-witness report from Rasht, from which a force led by Mohammad-Vali Khan Sepahdar had set off to restore the constitutional order. The first of these articles begin with a rally featuring Sepahdar marking the constitutional conquest of Rasht. “İran Məktubları: Rəşt”, Tərəqqi No. 57, March 18, 1909 in ibid., pp. 307-309. These reports give a sense of the power of Russia and its surrogates in Rasht and the anxiety this produced among the nationalist forces; among other things, they were concerned with fending off Russian provocations designed to give the Tsarist forces cover to intervene and crush them. E.g., “İran Məktubları: Rəştdən” Tərəqqi, No. 59, March 20, 1909 in ibid., pp. 307-308. He also provides some welcome details about the funeral for Pasha Khan, the Georgian revolutionary who died fighting the royalist militias. “İran Məktubları: Rəştdən” Tərəqqi, No. 60, March 23, 1909 in ibid., pp. 310-315. He also presents a very interesting detailed if uncritical report about the activities of Feodor Panov, a Bulgarian anarchist considered by some a hero of the Iranian constitutional movement and others an adventurer. “İran Məktubları: Mazandaran Vaqiəsinin Tafsilati”, Tərəqqi No. 64, March 26, 1909 in ibid., pp. 315-319 and scattered further references. His last dispatch from Rasht is published April 20, 1906, where he reports being impressed by a speech by the constitutionalist orator Hosein Kasma’i. “İran Məktubları: Mitinq”, Tərəqqi No. 83, April 20, 1909 in ibid., pp. 334-338. On Kasma’i, see the excellent article xxxxxx

The author’s next destination was Iranian Azerbaijan. He stopped at Julfa. Mingling with the merchant colony there, he reports that the people are open-minded and constitutionalist, commenting, “It is well-known that trade and industry are enemies of ignorance.” He informs us that

The tumult in Khoy, Salmas, and Marand were prepared from there. They would send weapons, bullets, fedais and other supplies from there

Julfa’s understanding of constitutionalism … was not like the others. They understood what the constitution would give their economic interests like the Iranian representatives of the merchants and craftsmen only without being tainted by the shariat.

The author reached Tabriz, which was in the throes of starvation due to the siege of the central government’s forces. He reports how some mojaheds were so hungry that they joined the Russian army in opening the roads to food and supplies for the people of Tabriz. `Ein od-Dawleh, the governor of Azerbaijan, who had imposed the last hours of cruelty inflicted on Tabriz by the central government, left and order was restored. “İran Məktublari: Julfa”, Tərəqqi, No. 110, May 21, 1909 in ibid., pp. 334-338. For an amusing interview with a Russian officer in charge of blocking the gun runners, “İran Məktublari: Julfada Təftişat və Həbslər”, Tərəqqi No. 112, May 24, 1909 in ibid., pp. 340-342. The author quotes one Tabrizi as boasting that the mojaheds would have fought on even if they faced starvation, but “many well-known Tabrizis” said that if the Russian army hadn’t opened the roads to food, they would have been forced to surrender. The Russians issued a statement saying that they were here to open to road from Julfa and defend Tabriz against the government’s armies out of humanitarianism and ask nothing in return, not even compensation for its expenses. He comments that, after having suffered savage attacks for so long, “it is natural that they would not protest this expression of love and welcomed their guests without hostility and the Anjoman held a reception for them.” However, the Russians then demanded that the mojaheds lay down their weapons. A Russian soldier was wounded and the Russians demanded 10 thousand tumans and tore down the barricades. Mojaheds were imprisoned and Russian subjects were arrested, leaving a very bad impression on the people and relations continued to deteriorate. “İran Məktublari: Təbrizdən”, Tərəqqi, No. 116, May 28, 1909 in ibid., pp. 342-345. Sattar Khan, the hero of the Tabriz constitutionalist resistance, took refuge in the Ottoman embassy. The author holds a detailed interview with him “Xüsusi Teleqraflar”, op. cit. in ibid., pp. 342-345. and follows his fate and that of his comrade in arms, Baqer Khan, closely.

The author sees the Iranians as being preoccupied with the Russian occupation at the expense of other life and death issues. However, on seeing that the British and the Russians wanted to impose controls over Iran’s legislation, taxation, and concessions, he caustically responded

Perhaps, [Iran] will make some progress under Russian and British tutelage in the opinion of some politicians. Schools, roads, and companies will be formed

But in the meantime, one would have to shut one’s eyes to independence.

After all, Iran wouldn’t have an army which could secure territorial independence. Naturally a nation which is under the control of two neighbors The Russian and the British empires. which want taxation and legislation to be half independent will not be able to organize a full army. “İran İşləriI İran Məktubları”, Tərəqqi, No. 119, June 1, 1909 in ibid., pp. 342-345.

After a few days’ stay in Tabriz, he toured Azerbaijan. First stop, Marand. He waxes rhapsodic on seeing the town’s beauty.

Behold how good it is to contemplate the poplars before you, raising their heads to the heavens while the wind wafts down from the snowy mountains. When the moonlit leaves turn silk-colored, their rustling is like the delicate voice of the beloved’s satin clothes. It is unworldly. It inspires.

Thinking back on his native Baku, he wonders if there isn’t a way of melding Baku’s modernity with Marand’s charm, harmonizing industry and nature. “Yol Təəsüratı”, Tərəqqi, No. 122, June 4, 1909 in ibid., pp. 357-358.

Moving on to Tabriz, he launches into a moving lamentation on how the city which had resisted “Rahim Khan’s savage cavalry, Ein od-Dawleh’s intrigues, and Samad Khan’s attacks” while sustaining itself with grass for food was now a Russian military base, losing its Iranian character. Sheshkalan A conservative borough of Tabriz. was leveled to the ground.

I passed along a street. It had been the city's most beautiful street. It was a Europeanizing street which taught a lesson to Tabriz's monotonous and uniform gray mud walls to put an end to the old ways but was burned in the fires of reaction. It breaks one's heart..

This irredeemable group which, seizing the name of shariatization, burned this street, which was a symbol of Westernization, destroyed the civilization which is the source of life. “İran məktubları: Yol Təəssüratı (Təbriz...)”, Tərəqqi, No. 129, June 12, 1909 in ibid., pp. 359-360.

His next stop was Urmia. During the civil war, Urmia was not so much faced with the government’s forces as much as with “Kurdish savages”. The population was particularly grateful for the role played by Armenian fedayees. The city was currently faced by a power struggle between the governor, the constitutionalist mojaheds, the Ottomans, whom he regarded as a benign force which kept the Kurdish tribes at bay, and, ultimately, the Russians, who had pulled the city’s then-significant Assyrian minority behind them. “İran məktubları: Urmiyə”, Tərəqqi, No. 130, 131, June 14-15, 1909 in ibid., pp. 361-365. The Ottomans were hampered in their mission by their consul, an Ottoman Greek, whom Rasulzadeh considered grossly incompetent to the point of being accused of being a Tsarist agent. “Yol Təssüratı: Müsəlmanlar”, Tərəqqi, No. 145, July 1, 1909 in ibid., p. 398.

He then headed towards Tabriz, accompanied by two journalist friends from the Russian press. A cab ride from Tabriz leads him to reflections on Iranian life. His lazy, cheating cab driver stands in for the typical Iranian. He is escorted out of Tabriz by a crowd of jostling beggars and he exclaims, “Iran is one big house of beggars.” Finally, “there are no Persians who don’t drink. Taqizadeh The famous constitutionalist politician and close friend of Rasulzadeh. said that Iranians surpass Westerners in drinking.”

Arriving in Urmia, he declares that “the people of Urmia are inherently negligent and pleasure-loving. They spend their days relaxing and when evening comes they watch displays of horsemanship. This negligence allows the administration to do as it pleases.” The Assyrian men, on the other hand, went abroad to find work, leaving their women behind. “İran İşlari”, Tərəqqi, No. 136, June 20, 1909 in ibid., pp. 369-370.

The author next wrote a fascinating discussion on the peasants. They were, he noted, reactionary, supporting the brutal monarchist warlord Samad Khan. “The peasants here are just like the Russian Black Hundred muzhiks. They can’t even stand the sight of a constitutionalist.” As one peasant said to him, “Look, if a constitutionalist fell into my hands, I’d cut his head off like a sheep.” Moreover, they were terrified of agents of change, feeling that they would take the blame for the disturbances they caused. The landlord had absolute power and could stand up to the governor should it come to that. For all that, according to one of Rasulzadeh’s Russian journalist friends, the peasants at the village they were visiting were better off than the Russian peasant.

Rasulzadeh and his comrades passed through a village as night was falling and the kindly villagers insisted they spend the night. And so they were treated to their generous hospitality and talked into the night about village life. He recalls that his host was literate and could recite from the Golestan and Hafez, even making a parody of the latter’s famous verse, saying, “be khal-e Hinuyesh bakhxam se man-e qand o do xorma ra.” “Yol Təssüratı”, Tərəqqi, No. 139, June 24, 1909 in ibid., pp. 375-377. The original verse was, “be khal-e hendu esh bakhsham Samarqand o Bokhara,” “for her Hindu mole I would give Samarqand and Bokhara”; the parody, “for her Hindu mole I would give three mans [a little less than three ounces altogether] of sugar and two dates.”

Here, Rasulzadeh was impressed by Urmia. The people are noble, more women go bareheaded or wearing brightly-colored veils. He takes an active interest in the life of the bazaar, particularly marking the unsurprising domination of Russian currency. For all that, “the people are known for their apathy.” “Yol Təssüratı (Urmiyədə)”, Tərəqqi, No. 141, June 26, 1909 in ibid., pp. 380-381.

While in Tabriz, he met some Armenians. “The Iranian Armenians are the most civilized people in Iran.” They are educated while the rest of the country suffers from illiteracy. Moreover, due to the country’s prevailing lawlessness, the Muslims suffer under the tyranny of their corrupt and brutal khans while the Armenians enjoy autonomy. Everyone praises them. And unlike their suffering under the Ottomans, they enjoy a tranquil existence in Iran.

And so when he heard that a meeting of the Armenian educational society was to be held, he bought a ticket and entered. He was particularly struck by the presence of women. Indeed, a man who was not able to bring his wife with him was asked to leave. [?] They talked about Armenian affairs for hours. All the sudden, he was told that he regrettably had to leave as no non-Armenians were permitted in their gatherings. In the memoirs of Hamideh Khanum Javanshir, the wife of Mirza Jalil Mohammadqulizadeh, the editor of the satirical journal Mulla Nəsr ud-Din, said had similar observations about the Tabriz Armenians. On visiting a club, she noticed a sign posted at its entrance. She was told it said, “No dogs or Muslims allowed.” It had been posted there, she was told, by Armenians after some rowdy Muslims entered the club and made unwanted advances towards Armenian women. http://iran.qlineorientalist.com/Articles/Hamideh/Hamideh.html This infuriated our journalist and he left in a huff, cursing nationalism. “Qəribə Bir Baykot”, Tərəqqi, No. 143, June 29, 1909 in ibid., pp. 388-391.

The next issue carries his memoirs of life in a village near Urmia. The villagers were simple and hospitable people. Altough there was a maktab in the school, his host sent his children to work instead and they were illiterate. However all three of the neighbor’s children were not only able to read and write, but could recite from the Golestan and Hafez. One of the children sings a song about a boy who is spurned by the object of his affection. “They brought me to the khan/He wanted to roast me, girl!...They brought me to the Anjoman/They wanted to roast me, girl!” The journalist comments, “The revolution begins and the khan’s work is over and the Anjoman replaces it, but the way of love remains just as it was in the old days.” Taking a walk outside, he is struck by the variety of nationalities he sees. Assyrians in Turkish, Iranian, Caucasian, or European outfits, Armenians, and, of course, Muslims. He notes a Zoroastrian conversing in Turkish with a Jew. Turkish, he notes with satisfaction, is the common language. “Yol Təəssürati (Urmia),” Tərəqqi, No. 144, June 15, 1909 in ibid., pp. 391-395.

By mid-June, he was back in Rasht, reporting on Sepahdar’s constitutionalist march. Our journalist apparently didn’t march with the fighters, but went ahead and covered the conquest of Tehran and the aftermath. Particularly interesting was his response to the execution of leading reactionaries by the victorious revolutionaries. He exhibits nothing but disgust for the spectacle.

“Tehranın Fəthindən sonra İran MəktublarıI Edam Cəzaları” and “İran Məktubları: Edam Cəzalərı” Tərəqqi, Nos. 166 and 172, July 26 and August 3, 1909 in ibid., pp. 421-423 and 430-432.

These articles close with the restoration of the constitutional order and the ascension of the conservative aristocracy.

The Translation

The translator, Rahim Raisnia, is perhaps the most distinguished Iranian Azerbaijani Turkish to Persian translator from, having authored or translated some 40 books. https://fa.wikipedia.org/wiki/%D8%B1%D8%AD%DB%8C%D9%85_%D8%B1%D8%A6%DB%8C%D8%B3%E2%80%8C%D9%86%DB%8C%D8%A7 He has performed a great service by translating these valuable articles into Persian. The author’s earlier articles were written in a high style of Azerbaijani Turkish; the translation Persian is much simpler and plain. There are, however, some serious problems with the translation. The following are passages I came across in the course of passages I thought would be of interest for this review and passages the author omitted “because they were not relevant to the subject at hand,” Raisnia, p. 27. but I assume that they are more or less representative of the rest of the text as a whole. These problematic passages can be categorized as follows:

1. Minor inaccuracies.

   I have found relatively few of these.

   1. “Bədə, aclara çörək gətirmək və yolları saxlamaq ünvanı ilə gələn” is translated as “Amma Mehmanini ke beh onvan-e baz kardan va hefz-e amniayyat-e rah ha hamadeh and”, i.e., “bringing bread” is translated as “opening the roads” “İran Məktubları,” Tərəqqi, No. 116, May 28, 1909 in ibid., pp. 342-345.
   2. Dropping the phrase “bir çox vəqaələrdə”= “in many ways” “İranda ‘Yanvarın Doqquzu’,” İrşad, No. 159, July 7, 1909 in ibid., pp. 61.
   3. Major inaccuracies. There are many of these.
   4. The first paragraph of the first document translated is missing. Although it isn’t directly related to the subject at hand, does, however, set the framework for the subsequent discussion:

      Although it is possible for someone someplace to ask for proof of freedom's price, if you were to ask any Russian in all of Russia who has seen the riots and chaos and blood which had been shed for its sake and the property which has been destroyed and ask him for proof, anyone would say in a loud voice that this was irrational and incomprehensible and be disgusted with such a person. “İranda Hürriyyət,” İrşad, No. 51, February 20, 1909 in ibid., pp. 61.

      In this article, the author forces a comparison between the 1905 Russian Revolution and the Iranian Constitutional Revolution. See page 1. This opening paragraph clearly undermines this effort.

   5. “Ənzəli bəndərinə iki ədəd rus hərbi gəmisi varid olduş Biri Krasnovodsk, biri geri qayıtdi, digəri Göy Təpə Krasnovodskda qaldı” was translated as “do farvand keshtiye jangiye Rusi beh Bandar Anzali vared shodeh. Yeki moraje’at kardeh, do taye digeri namihaye Krasnovodsk va Goy Teppeh mande.” The original Azerbaijani Turkish is garbled beyond recovery. In attempt to force a meaning, the translator invents a non-existent Russian battleship named Krasnovodsk. On the other hand, in the same article, the author for no clear reason replaces the following passage with ellipses: The author feels that being a Russian makes him feel pathetic “because a bunch of these great Russian rulers considering it proper to condemn a friendly, long-suffering nation to such inappropriate things is truly pathetic and shameful.” “İran Məktubları: Rus Nümayişi,” Tərrəqi, No. 77, April 13, 1909 in ibid., p 332 and 333. Compare Gozaresh, p. 130.

   6. […] “When he showed us a house, he sensed that we didn't like it and showed us another. We liked it. We sat down.” and “As for my village, because it had many cows, they called their carts “cow carts.” The people made a living by gardening, laboring, and livestock. In fact, many of Azerbaijan's villages, indeed, most of them, are like that. There are little settlements all over, surrounded by gardens. All of them have nut-bearing trees.” “Yol Təəssüratı,” Tərrəqi, No. 137, June 22, 1909 in ibid., p 373.
   7. […] “While Iranian remains under the khans', lords', and various other oppressors' opression and casting away and pressure, the Armenians suffer no such oppression. They live happily, going their own way. They thing about their lives, they, relatively speaking, enjoy all freedoms, and enjoy a happy economic lot.”

      […] “How can such a thing happen?”

      He deletes the adjective “savage” in reference to the marauding Kurds and then

      A few paragraphs later, he is told by a villager that the constitution is a good thing but "they" wouldn't let it be and he comments (deleted by the translator) "These words, such a simple-hearted answer, no matter their truth, no matter their meaning.”

      […] Later on, he drops “it is day, but we do not see” and “the song of the woodcock.” A few paragraphs later, […] “They look at each side of the road, examining all my companions.” is dropped. “Qəribə Bir Baykot: Təbrizdən,” Tərrəqi, No. 155, July 13, 1909 in ibid., p 406.

   8. In discussing the legal system in Rasht, he drops the sentence, […] “The policy of foreign inviolability will in the future reach a yet higher level of expertise compared to the way it was carried out in the past.” This is followed by a translation of a paragraph put in brackets for no apparent reason. “İran Məktubları: Rəşt,” Tərrəqi, No. 143, June 29, 1909 in ibid., p 389.
   9. “Lakın kabusı-istibdad biçarələri orada da rahat qoymuyur. Şah Əbdüləzim də məşhur Şeyx Mirzə Həsən Müctəhid Aştiyaninin vələdi ərşədini öldürürş xainanə surətdə öldürtdürür. Osmanlı səfarətində gizlənənlərdən ötrü dəxi Şahın kompaniyaçıları cümləsindən olan vəziri dərbar Müşirüssəltənə bir hiylə qurur. Cümlə heyəti vüzəra olsun ki, bu tadbirə əhsəntə, barəkallah deməkdən sərxoş başlarını saxlaya bilməmişlər. Tacviz edib, müvəffəqiyyətlərinə göz dikmişlər.

      “Bir qədər ilan və qeyri müzi cəmləndirib səfarətin içinə saldırimışar ki, qorxub həyətdən qaçsınlar. Tainki, hökumət cəlladlarının dəstigiri olsunlar. Lakin bu hiylələrlə gözlədikləri nəticəni ala bilməmişlər.

      “Cəmaəti-mütəhəssin o sər-külfətlərin olsun ki, gözləmədikləri bir rəşadət büruzə verib, ilanları uyudurmuş və Müşirussəltənənin o dərəcə bir dahiyanə qurduğu tədbirini zail etmişlərdir.” “İran Məktubları (Qəzvin Səmti),” Tərrəqi, No. 74, April 9, 1909 in ibid., pp 322-323. Translation in Raisnia, pp. 117-118.

      “But the nightmare of autocracy did not spare those wretches even there. Even in Shah Abdolazim, the famous mojahed Sheikh Mirza Hasan Ashtiani's oldest son was murdered in a treacherous fashion. The Shah's companion Court Minister Moshir os-Saltaneh hatched a scheme for those who had taken refuge in the Ottoman embassy. The whole cabinet could not keep the scheme's praises from leaving their drunken heads. They gave permission and awaited success. They gathered a number of snakes and other crawling creatures and threw them into the embassy so that they would flee the courtyard and be arrested by the government's hangmen. But this scheme did not have the expected outcome.

      The party of those taking refuge were sufficiently stout-hearted to display unexpected capacity. They put the snakes to sleep and Moshir os-Saltaneh’s ever so clever scheme came to an ignominious end.”

      is translated as

      لیکان کابوس استبداد ئر آن جاها نیز دست از سرشان بر نمی دارد. کسانی از متحصنین شاه عبد العظیم شبانه به قتل می رسند و عمله-اکرۀ استبداد برای بیرون کردن متحصنین سفارت عثمانی، مخفیانه مار و عقرب به آن جا رها می کنند؛ اما کیست که از نیش مار و عقرت به تمساحها و کفتار ها پناه برد؟! [...]

      = “But nothing came of the nightmare of autocracy. Some of those who took refuge in Shah Abdol-Azim were killed at night and autocracy’s henchmen released snakes and crabs in the Ottoman Embassy to drive out those who were taking refuge there; but who is it who would take refuge with crocodiles and hyenas from the sting of snake and scorpion? […]” Here, the translator uses ellipses to indicate that he’s suspended translating. There are more of these cases. There would seem to be no particular reason for the text to be dropped. None of it struck me as puzzling politically or linguistically.

   10. After quoting a Tabrizi as saying that if the government troops don’t stop attacking Tabriz and the Russians do not enter the city, the people will have no choice but to surrender, he drops the next passage:

       […] “No, if the government troops do not leave after brining the supplies, the fighting will be prolonged. Nothing will come of such a prolonged fight.” “İran Məktubları: Təbrizdən,” Tərrəqi, No. 116, May 28, 1909 in ibid., p 343.

   11. Again, in the same article, the text, […] “They wounded one soldier. In exchange, they took ten thousand tumans.” (This refers to the wounding of a Russian soldier apparently by a Tabrizi which marked the starting point of the Russian wave of repression against Tabriz.)
   12. […] “If this crafty British consul is covering for its politics, saying ‘We regret that our government has overlooked Azerbaijan,’ they cannot hide what they haven't listened to.” “İran Məktubları: Təbrizdən,” Tərrəqi, No. 117, May 29, 1909 in ibid., p 348.
   13. The following passage is dropped:

       […] Aye, according to these articles, Iran will still remain whole, it will not lose its territory, it will remain Iran. It should progresses according to the ideas of some politicians who are nurtured by Russia and Britain. Schools, roads, and companies should be formed.

       But in exchange, they must shut their eyes to independence.

       Because there is no army in Iran to guarantee its independence. It is natural that a nation which is under the control of two neighbors which want taxes and laws to remain semi-independent that it is impossible for it to prepare a complete army. I.e., it will be impossible to be organized.

       The journalist’s sense of irony might have eluded the translator and caused him to drop it. A few lines down, the apparently innocuous lines […] “It is as if the reports in the press are not true, there was no such thing.” were omitted. Part of the first passage is quoted on page. 4 of the present work. “İran İşləri: İran Məktubları,” Tərrəqi, No. 119, June 1, 1909 in ibid., p. 317.

       The following passages are also replaced with ellipses, apparently because the text was too difficult to untangle to translate considering the obscurity of the issues involved:

       […] The aforementioned asked the Foreign Ministry that he protect them on the excuse that they had been appointed to the Iranian ambassador to St. Petersburg although neither their live nor property was in danger. The aforementioned ambassador himself answered the committee's [ənjümən] telegrammed question denying such a request at that time, saying that it was about giving them supplies enough to live on.

       and

       […] 15. On Rabia II 23, the Russian Consul wrote an official missive asking Navidol-Mulk's men and family to obey Iran's Foreign Minister's request, while the Sa`d od-Dawle clearly stated in response to the council's [anjoman's] telegram in this regard saying that no such thing has happened. However, quite a while ago, such a request had been made during the fight and that very telegram is held in the Foreign Ministry. “İran İşləri: İran Məktubları: Təbriz,” Tərrəqi, No. 121, June 3, 1909 in ibid., pp. 355-356.

   14. […] The poetic passage cited above (page 4) is dropped, probably because of its extreme intricacy.
   15. […] The words “We were forced to pay. If you add to such conditions our coachman's laziness as well as a little of his old idleness, I believe you could somewhat imagine our situation ...

       […] “In any case, we had no choice.” were dropped.

       […] Later on in the same document, after describing Iran as a true Oriental despotism, the words, “In fact, every beauty has its throne in Iran,” clearly meant ironically, is replaced with ellipses. In the same letter, after a report about the hordes of aggressive beggars in Tabriz, he comments. “If you are impatient and stubborn, you will be alone!” are dropped. […] He similarly deleted a passage explaining why his cab was proceeding so slowly: “This slow pace was not just because of the road’s great disrepair but because it could not get out from behind the guards.” “Yol TəəsüratəI Təbriz-Urmiyə Yolu,” Tərrəqi, No. 135, June 19, 1909 in ibid., pp. 366 and 367.

   16. […] Regarding Urmia, he writes, “Their walls are made of black mud. It is clear that nothing will be found by walking through such simple and monotonous alleys, which are even devoid of yellow.” Again, “The view from afar is like a big mountain, a restful forest. Singing voices come from all sides, they reach the guest. The population is famous for its being idle and useless.” “Yol TəəssüratiI Urmiyədə,” Tərrəqi, No. 141, June 26, 1909 in ibid., pp. 380 and 381.
   17. […] Again: “The Ottomans need a Young Turk Foreign Ministry which would focus on, etc. put it under the influence of ministers which are in agreement with Iranian policy... Such an accusation is not fitting for a political official who is at war with Ottoman interests.” “İran Məktubları: Osmanlı-İran Hadisəsi (Urmiyədən),” Tərrəqi, No. 142, June 28, 1909 in ibid., p. 384.
   18. […] “We feel the beauty and power of nature, we see and remember multi-colorful creation!” The word “plants” is dropped. Next, “From such a beautiful and perfumed space of nature comes a hateful and filthy stench” (coming from a tannery). “Yol Təəssüratı: Urmiyə,” Tərrəqi, No. 144, June 30, 1909 in ibid., p. 395. This passage is another example of the journalist’s reflections on the conflict between progress and nature.
   19. […] The author drops “so that he does not take up the market in Paris and shoved him aside. As for the mullah, thank God.” A few lines later, the following is dropped: “and increase their allocations in the market because their district has the honor of being in the leading position in the annual accounts.” (A reference to the compensation the priests get for boosting their company’s bottom line, as it were.) “Yol Təəssüratı: Urmiyədə,” Tərrəqi, No. 145, July 1, 1909 in ibid., p. 397.
   20. […] An inconsequential deletion of a word which had been incorrectly transliterated into Azerbaijani Romanized script, متانبه = significant. A few lines later, the sentence “As it happens, in this regard, we have no idea what a Ministry of Finance is.” “İran Məktubları: indiki va Gələcək Məqsədlər,” Tərrəqi, No. 170, July 30, 1909 in ibid., p. 429. is deleted.
   21. […] “Although the encouraging arrangements have not reached the necessary degree, they were not absent.” “İran Məktubları: İcrayi-İntixabat,” Tərrəqi, No. 173, August 4, 1909 in ibid., p. 434.
   22. […] “In order to prevent such actions and to suppress corruption, the government should take such a step regarding the newspaper.” “Tehran Vəqayeı: Vanekdə Bir İğtişaş,” Tərrəqi, No. 174, August 5, 1909 in ibid., p. 437.
   23. […] “The finance commission is trying to get a small loan before the parliament opens, but , although the British agree, the Russians are hesitant.” and “The result will be exactly as before, since they will be those same Ein od-Dawles.” “Tehran Vəqayeı: Pul İstehsalı,” Tərrəqi, No. 176, August 7, 1909 in ibid., p. 441 and 442.
   24. […] “Since His Majesty Ahmad Shah is a clever and smart by nature, if he is given a fitting nationalist education, the country will achieve great success from him. Otherwise, if he is raised with moral corruption, trouble can be foreseen.” “İran Məktublari: Vəzi-Haliyyə,” Tərrəqi, No. 177, August 9, 1909 in ibid., p. 435.
   25. Censorship.
       Passages which would directly offend the Islamic Republic were systematically censored. Where these consist of omissions, they are indicated by ellipses. But in many the text is simply altered.

   26. He translates “İranın bütün şəhərlırində olduğu kimi, burada da molla boldur.”=Just as in all of Iran’s cities, there are also many mullahs here.” as در این جا نیز مثل جا های دیگر ایران ملا زیاد است, has a minor substitution of “cities” for “places.” But then he translates “Bu qədər çox olan mollalar hər yərdə olduğu kimi, burada da müftə yeyib, müftə gəzən, muftəcə fəzl satanlardandir. Amma haman ümumi bir laqeydlik sayəsində bir o qədər mütəkəbbir deyildirlər.”= “Where ever there are so many mullahs, here too they freeload food, wander about and peddle. But precisely because of the public’s apathy, See page 6. they are not so arrogant.” is translated as معممهای این جا نیز مثل معممهای جاهای دیگر گذران می کنند. اما به علت وجود لا قیدی عمومی، بیا و بروی زیادی ندارند. This is printed in brackets, probably indicating that the text was being altered. “Yol Təəssüratı: Urmiyədə,” Tərrəqi, No. 145, July 1, 1909 in ibid., pp. 396-397, translation in Raisnia, pp. 221-222.
   27. In another text, the characterization of Mir Hashem, a constitutionalist leader who switched to an alliance with the Islamic Anjoman allied with the anti-constitutionalist mojtahed of Tabriz, as a “fake mojtahed” is replaced with bracketed ellipses. “İran Məktubları: Mazəndəran Vaqiəsinin Təfsilatı,” Tərrəqi, No. 64, May 26, 1909 in ibid., p. 317.
   28. Regarding the execution of the absolutists, the translator adds the exclamation, “راستی انسان تا چه حد می توانسته است سقوط بکند؟”=”Indeed, how far can people fall?” is probably a mistranslation of the next line: “İnsan nə qədər düşər nə qədər alçaqlanarmiş, cəmaət yanında böyük hörmətlərə artıq şanləra dara olan bir “mollanı” alırlar da haman cəmaətin alqışları altında boğazma tənab salıb dardan asıyorlar, kimsə etiraz etmiyor.”=” How far has a people fallen when they take a mullah who enjoys a great status of respect and hang him by the throat by the end of a rope and that same people applaud as he's hung from the gallows and no one objects?”, which is dropped without ellipses, although the next sentence, which makes the same point, is translated accurately (except the superlatives are added to the original’s “learned and meritorious”) until the end of the that sentence, when “and they expressed their satisfaction by clapping their hands and crying out full of joy, "Hurray for the executions!", "Hurray for Muhammad's law"” is deleted (marked by ellipses); apparently the crowd cheering the execution of a leading mojtahed—a clear reference to Sheikh Fazlollah Nuri—was unacceptable. This continued up to the sheikh’s execution; any reference in the translation to who was facing his doom is deleted, while the original declares that the “young mojtahed” who decleared his execution “declar[ed] to the people, "Today is the turn of the Lord of the Law Breakers and the Executive of the Reactionaries and the Preacher of Treason, the famous Pillar of Absolutism, Sheikh Fazlollah Nuri".” In the translation, the sentenced criminal is referred to as “an old man”, while the original refers to him as “an old mullah.” The reponse to the crowd, […] “Saying "Long live freedom! Long live law!" The people shared a single joy.” is replaced by ellipses. “Sheikh Fazlollah’s son Sheikh Mehdi is pleased with his father’s execution. The day before, every Tehrani who saw him in the street and alleys congratulated him on the execution of his father. He accepted these greetings with the response, “Long live punishment,” considering his punishment to be obligatory.” is replaced merely with “Even the son of the condemned expressed satisfaction with the execution.” The statement, “Sheikh Fazlollah’s body did not remain long on the gallows but was removed quickly. Sheikh Mehdi came and protested, saying, “This wretch’s punishment was execution, and that has been performed.” This is kept as whole in the text, but the reader is left to wonder who this Sheikh Mehdi is… Continuing, he says, […] “The punishment for killing many of God's creatures is death," he said,” saying that the corpse must not be treated disrespectfully. Presumably he expects that the reader knows perfectly who is being referred to and this charge against him could not be printed. “İran Məktubları: Edam Cəzaları,” Tərrəqi, No. 172, August 3, 1909 in ibid., pp. 430-432. Translation in pp. 269-272.
   29. In an article on the composition of the new Iranian Majlis, the translation reads,

       در حالی که قسم اعظم دار الشورای قبلی را، که حاصل اعطای مشروطیت از بالا و به دنبال نمایشی جزئی بود، خواص تشکیل می دادند، اینک پس از مبارزه و مقاتلۀ دو سالۀ خونین، در میان نامزدان پیشنهادی مردم نامی او افراد انی صنف در میان نیست؛ و این تا حدودی موجب ناخشنودی ایشان است. علت این بی اعتنایی جماعت زخم خورده به ایشان نیز دیدن روز وکلایشما—که در مجلس اول اکثریت داشتند—است. یک بار دیده است و حالانمی حواهد زیارت کند. حق هم دارد که نمی خواهد [...]

       i.e.,

       While the largest portion of the previous Consultative Assembly, which was the fruit of the granting of the Constitution from above and was pursuing petty displays, was composed of the elite (خواص), after two years of bloody struggle and fighting, there is not a candidate of the people from this class; and this has, to some extent, led to their dissatisfaction. This is because of the inattention of the wounded people towards them. The reason for this inattention towards them is their having seen the true face of their representatives—who had the majority of the Majlis. Having seen this once, they will not now make a pilgrimage to them. And right they are. […]

       While in office, they took advantage of their being in office and paralyzed all government affairs and broke all the government administration to increase their importance and influence. But they won’t be able to do that this time around, for now what is necessary to be considered important is self-sacrifice and struggle, and they have never been read for this.

       The original reads:

       O vaxt cüzi bir nümayiş ilə yuxarıda elan edilən məşrutədən naşi darüşşuranınqismi-əzəmi haman əmmamədarlardan mütəşəkkil olduğu halda, indi iki illik qanlı mübarizə və müqatilədın sonra cəmaət tərəfindən təşkil olunan intixabatda seçilməyə təklif olunan namizədlər arasənda bir nəfər olsun molla adı yoxdur ki, bu cəhət hətta mollaları bir dərəcə acıqlandırır, sındırır, pərt ediyor. Fəqət biçarə zəxmxurdə cəmaət nə eləsin ki, müəmməm vəkillərin üzünü bir dəfə gördü, artıq ziyarət etmək istəmiyor. Haqqı da vardır ki, isəmiyor.

       Zira, sabiq parlaman əzaları olan əmmamədarlar daha nələr etmədilər. Nə kimi seyyiatda bulunmadılar.

       Vəkil olduqları halda vəkalətlərindən sui-istifadə edərək tamam ümuri-dövləti ləngidib tamam idarəni işdən saldılar ki, bu yol ilə özlərinə əhəmiyyət peyda etsinlər. Fəqət bu dəfə əhəmiyyəti alamazlar. Zira, əhəmiyyət almaq üçün can fəda etməli, qurban verməli riyazət çəkməli idi ki, bu əmmamədarlar o qisim fədakarlıqlara hərgiz müstəid deyildirlər. “İran Məktubları (müxabiri-məxsusimizddən)”, ibid., p. 435. Translation in Raisnia, pp. 434-435.

       i.e.,

       while the largest portion of the House of Consultation, which had been declared then by a minor display, was composed of the those same turbanned men, now, after two years' bloody struggle and fighting, there is not a single mullah's name nominated among those elections organized by the people. And this has even angered, broken, and disgraced the mullahs to some extent. But what are the wounded people to do; they do not want to make a pilgrimage to the turbanned representatives now that they have seen their face. And they are right not to want to.

       After all, what have the turbanned members of the previous parliament not done? What kind of evil have they not been found involved in?

       When they were representatives, they took advantage of their position and gummed up all the government's affairs and kept the entire administration from functioning so they could find a way to make themselves important. But this time, they found no importance because findinging importance means self-sacrifice and struggle, and these turbanned men have never been ready for such self-sacrifice.

   30. Most of these concerned derogatory mentions of Sheikh Fazlollah Nuri, the leader of the anti-constitutionalist clergy. In one case, his participation in a meeting of anti-constitutionalist dead-enders held while domestic and international pressure for the monarchy to restore the constitution was intensifying is reported, where he is quoted as saying that there are really only a few dozen constitutionalists and if they were eliminated, Iran would know peace. “Tehran: Zillüssultan Geri Qaytarılır-Mir Haşim Asıldı,” Tərrəqi, No. 168, July 28, 1909 in ibid., p. 425. Translation in p. 262.

   Critical Apparatus

   For all this, the book is admirably documented. The author knows the history of the period inside and out and provides a very scholarly introduction and a hundred endnotes, many of which go into great detail on historical or biographical issues and many footnotes which include numerous corrections made by Rasulzadeh of his the transliterated text, indicating a detailed knowledge of Iran during the constitutional period. It also contains a useful introduction to Rasulzadeh’s career as a journalist and beyond, including both primary and secondary sources, most of them in Azerbaijani Turkish.

   On the other hand, its index of characters is woefully inadequate.