Georgian Historiography of the Iranian Constitutional Revolution

There have been two major contributors to Georgian studies of the Iranian constitutional revolution. The first was the late Grigor Chipashvili, an academic Iranist who wrote starting in the late sixties and passed away a few years ago. The second contributor was Anton Kelenjeridze.

Kelenjeridze was a career Soviet journalist, having written for the Georgian-language Komunisti since he was a college student in the thirties. He became interested in the story of the Georgian volunteers who fought for Iranian constitutionalism in the late sixties, when he was preparing a work on the famous Georgian Communist Sergo Orjonikidze. This was followed after five years of research p. 23. by a second and much more valuable work on the lives of these volunteers.

Sergo Orjonikidze--Journalist (sergo orjonikidzeģ°½--jurnalisti)

The first book, Sergo Orjonikidze--Journalist, is, as the title suggests, a study of Orjonikidze's career as a journalist. The author makes the point that the most interesting of his works was his dispatches from Iran, when he was had been between fall 1909 and fall 1910. He writes that, with the publication of the biography of Orjonikidze in 1964, insufficient attention has been given to his career as a journalist. sergo Orjonikidzeģ°½--Jurnalist, p. 3. The material the 24-year-old Bolshevik produced in this time, the author argues, included "vast and objective observations on Iran."

That this material was not being properly examined troubled the author since it was Orjonikidze who introduced him to journalism in the first place, as he relates in a story drenched in Stalin-era sentimentality: Orjonikidze had taken a benign fatherly interest in the author, then a college boy, and guided him to follow his passion for journalism. pp. 5-8.

The author then went to research the archives on this issue. ibid., p. 5 ff. He lists the Orjanakidze's pennames and the journals he worked for, the latter being, Momavale, Chveni Gazeti, Axali Sxivi, Sxivi, and Lampuri.

There follows an exposition of the conditions in Iran which led to the Constitutional Revolution and its outcome based on stock Soviet dogma and of no particular interest Thus, the privileged were satisfied with the granting of the constitution, but not the working people. The peasants launched an anti-feudal campaign throughout the country. Anjomans, or organs of local self-rule cropped up throughout the country. Meanwhile, Iranian's first Social-Democratic organizations cropped up. But reaction didn't rest. The British and the Russians mobilized their agents. Just about this entire scenario is directly contradicted by Orjonikidze's own observations as presented by the author. except for a portrait of Sattar Khan, the great Tabrizi constitutionalist mojahed. In addition to the legends about him which became a staple of Soviet-era scholarship (that Sattar Khan had been a labor organizer in the Baku oil fields and was a member of the Muslim-Social Democratic Hemmat organization, that he had organized a partisan peasant war against the Shah's troops and the landlords, etc. pp. 11-12. The sources the author gives are the article in by Ber-Baronovski in Istorik Marksist (1940, no. 11) and Krasni Arxiv (1941, no. 2 (105)). The legend about Sattar Khan the oil-field labor organizer has its origins in the mainstream Tsarist-era Russian press, and the legend about his fighting a partisan war against the Tsar existed in the Georgian leftist press of that era, too, although it had more the coloration of his being an abrek, a Caucasian Robin Hood figure, rather than a partisan fighter as we now understand the term.), he quotes an interesting Georgian piece by a journalist who met Sattar Khan on his departure from Tabriz after it had been occupied by the Russians in 1910.

There follows more Soviet boilerplate about how the Tsar's colonialist policy towards Iran had provoked the indignation of the Caucasian people. "The most enthusiastic help," he continues, "came from the Bolshevik Hemmat group. A special committee to aid the Iranian revolution was set up in Baku by Nariman Narimanov and Azizbekov, two leading lights of Azerbaijani Bolshevism. He claims, in addition, that Orjonikidze was sent at the head of a group from Baku to help with this effort. He continues that in the uprising in Rasht organized with the help of Georgian exiles, "much help came from the Bolshevik group led by Orjonikidze. In addition, he was supposed to have participated in the campaign against counter-revolution in Ardebil. He was said to have connections with the democratic class and great authority esteem among them. On his initiative, international clubs were organized all over Gilan, but chiefly in Rasht and Anzali, which were known as centers for workers and craftsmen to learn the politics of revolutionary struggle. There, lectures, poems, and reports were presented. Orjonikidze would speak about the 1905 Russian revolution, the relation between workers and peasants, brotherly solidarity between peoples, Marx, Engels, Lenin, and so on. Warming to his topic, the author continues that Orjonikidze had a particularly ideal behavior towards the local Social-Democratic organization, politically fortifying it. In addition, he forged a tight link between Iran on the one hand and Lenin in Paris on the other. In general, he worked untiringly to strengthen the ranks of the people's struggle. p. 15. No sources are given for these claims.

The example the author gives of political struggle is an attack by him on Yeprim Khan. The author describes him as having "hung around" Tehran on the day of its seizure by the constitutionalists, and yet was able to reach a high position under the new Shah [i.e., Ahmad Shah]. He had been a boss in the construction of the Tehran-Anzali highway and owned a brick kiln in Rasht. Despite his having enriched himself through various means, the author continues, he kept meddling in politics. He then quotes Orjonikidze as calling him "a sort of chinovnik [Russian military officer] and nothing more." He quotes from the Iranian Armenian Zang November 12, 1910., which allegedly declared him no sort of revolutionary. The author concludes that this verdict was confirmed by his later behavior, how he took the title of sardar from the Shah and became his chief of police and head of the gendarmerie. He says that Yeprim was killed in a punitive expedition, conveniently leaving out the fact that this expedition was against Salar od-Dawle's reactionary forces after the Iranian constitution's restoration. pp. 15-16.

The author continues, quoting Bor-Romanovski's work which in turn quotes Simon Salaridze, an anarchist who lived in Iran from 1909 to 1922 and later made his peace with the Soviets, in an amazing tale of adventure starring Orjonikidze. Salaridze recalls that he would see Sergo from time to time. He wanted to speak with the Iranian peasants and so practiced Persian. (This would not seem to be a particularly productive enterprise, since the peasants in particular could not have been expected to had understood Persian.) In this story, Salaridze says that he was studying in the library when a poor man came running in and whispered to him that they had taken away "the mojahed."

"What mojahed?"

"The one who supports the poor." The author quickly understood that he meant Sergo. He determined to free him. Sergo was in a dark, filthy, bug-infested room, full of wrath. He told the author how he had come to be imprisoned. While walking around, he heard a scream. He rushed into to the yard from which the scream came and saw something dreadful: a serf was being punished by being bound hand and foot and hung upside down and mercilessly flogged, with his son set under him. The landlord was sitting on the veranda and taking in this scene contentedly, ordering more beatings. Sergo drew his revolver and drove out the torturers and the landlord, untied the peasant, and freed him.

Salaridze went to the vice-governor, whose two daughters he was tutoring in Russian and in French. After some explanation, he ordered that Sergo be escorted in. He was brought out accompanied by a guard. Sergo carried himself proudly. He was fuming. He called the governor the Shah's eyes in Anzali.

"Mojahed," the vice-governor said to Sergo, "Why do you abuse our hospitality? -- Would you lead our country into sin and error?"

Sergo gathered his wits and answered with a Persian poem:

Who in this country is innocent? Tell me.

How can it be that he lives innocently? Tell me.

If I have come to sow error, what of you?

What distinguishes you from me? Tell me.

"Ahah! You are so brave, boy? Where are you from?"

"I'm a foreign man -- who has nothing in this world but a warm love for the Iranian people who have enriched the world's history's best pages."

"How do you show your love for our people, since -- you diminish within the entire country the Shah's power?"

"Iran is famous for its valiance, its justice, and its humanism. I am motivated by love of humanity. This deep love has inspired a boundless hatred of the cruel torturer --. It is intolerable to hear a child's cry. The child is the future father." He was, he continued, ready to kill the one who would torment a child. Sergo's words impressed the vice-governor. He smiled and, after making some wry witticism, tossed the Russian consul's letter in the wastebasket. p. 19.

The author comments that while the Tsar and the Shah had their connection, the peoples of the Russian empire and the Iranian people had theirs. He lists the names of Caucasian volunteers he could cull from the famous article by Tria V. Tria, "Kavkazskie Sotsial-Demokrati v Persidkoi Revoliutsii" in Sotsial-Demokrat, Paris, 1910. and the above-cited article in Istorik Marksist. He continues by observing that some of these people are still alive, and we can see the idea for this project taking shape. He mentions in particular Apolon Japaridze. And it is he who introduces us to "Sergo Gurji"; here, he does not identify him with Orjonikidze, but with Sergo Gamdlishvili, whom Chipashvili (in my opinion correctly) identifies as the author of a history of the march on Tehran written by a Georgian fighter, which we will discuss later. The author presents nothing new in the biographical material supplied by Japaridze, compared with what Chipashvili relates of this material, indeed, he deletes such important items as his service in the Russo-Japanese war. He also interviewed Yason, his brother. He does, however, present a snippet of an interview he had with Davit Japaridze on his participation in the constitutional revolution:

In August 1908, I was ordered to participate in a squad which would be sent to Iran to fight against the Shah's troops and in support of the revolutionary Sattar Khan. Dumbadze was appointed to lead it, assisted by Bakradze ("Zhelezni"). 30 men were dispatched from Baku: Dumbadze, Bakradze, Lazare, Gachechiladze, Viktor (Piruza) Nasaridze, Davit Mkheidze, Tsverva, Meunargia (the tailor). In addition, a Megrelian named Kola, another who was nicknamed "Terrorist", and two others whose names I can't remember anymore.

We split up into groups of ten and left. Our group was to smuggle in some bombs and Mauser revolvers. Bakradze, Tsverava, and Gachechiladze perished in battle in Tabriz.

The author returns to Orjonikidze's role in the fighting. He had, according to the above-mentioned biography of Orjonikidze, participated in local revolutionary organizations in connection with mass rallies and meetings. p. 23. He directly participated in the Gilani military revolutionary organization's struggle in the campaign for Tehran led by Tabriz's and Gilan's revolutionary mass leader Sattar Khan. Of course, Sattar Khan could not have been considered a leader of the Gilani revolution, nor was the Gilani march on Tehran led by him, as is clear in the material which the author himself presents. Perhaps the author is thinking of the Sattar Committee, which played a leading role in organizing the movement in Gilan. Turning to Orjonikidze's journalistic activity, he quotes this biography as adding that from February to August 1910, he was the correspondent for Sxivi, Akhali Sxivi, and Chveni Gazeti. There follows several pages of generalizations about the political importance of journalism, the centrality of class in same, and the greatness of Orjonikidze as a class-based journalist. pp. 24-27. This is finally followed by his first letter, which was sent from Rasht and published in the January 19, 1910 issue of Momavali. pp. 27-28. It deals with the "benign effects" the revolution had on education. Whereas before, if one could simply read or write, he would be considered cultured and enlightened. Moreover, the only schools available were mullah schools, which addled the children's brains. There follows a lengthy digression on the weaknesses of pre-Constitutional education. Now, Orjonikidze continues, schools on the European model have been opened. Rasht has seven such schools, enrolling 800 students. Of course, this is not enough, but that is all that is possible for the time being. He then discusses the educational commission's president, 'Abdol[lah]zade, whom he treats with respect. He often complains (to Orjonikidze, according to the author) that the Roshdiye (translated as gymnasium by the author) are not able to find a single good and knowledgeable lecturer.

In this letter, Orjonikidze also describes the custom of "shahsi-vahsi" (Azeri slang for the 'Ashura mourning processions for the martyrs of Kerbala), "an evil custom always challenged by the revolution." "Thus," he continues, "the revolution has exerted a powerful and educational influence."

The letter closes with comments on the land distribution system. The biggest burden of it falls on the poor. The government grants land to the governor as part of his wages. -- And so they flay Iran.

The author reproduces an essay, appearing in the March 10, 1910 issue of Axali Sxivi, on Iran's general situation. pp. 28-31 Iran is faced with a number of life or death issues. One is its financial condition. The last Shah has left Iran with its resources in hock to foreign powers. Its railroads are in foreign hands, its Customs has been pawned off, its profits going to the Russians with no source of revenue going to Iran. Moreover, 35 million rubles are owed to Russia. There follows the details of Iran's financial agreements with Russia. These terms, he concludes, were accepted by the Shah and the Majlis. This has jeopardized Iran's survival as an independent country. Again, Orjonikidze stressed that these agreements were accepted by the Majlis. The government, finally, wanted to consider a new loan with an advance of 3 million rubles, but as always, all the profit would go into its own hands. Accepting this would be for Iran to slit its throat with its own hands. The nationalists said, "We will accept the money, but its spending must be under our control. We want to use it for a gendarmerie for Northern Iran. To accept these conditions would be to bid farewell to Iran's independence." He quotes Iran-e Naw, the Iranian progressive journal for which Orjonikidze had a keen admiration and, possibly, some degree of collaboration, as describing the popular agitation against these laws in some detail. Orjonikidze then reports particularly on the special role of Rasht, where baskets of money were collected. Rasht will not become poor, Orjonikidze observes, because it is a transit point for Russian goods and because there are many factories for silk cocoons and much rice is grown there.

On the other hand, much of the wealth is in the hands of foreign subjects. Greeks own the silk caterpillar cocoon factories, Russians subjects own the best shops, Armenian merchants have a powerful presence. Hence the concern for Iran's independence.

Kelenjaridze comments on this essay, praising its (rather elementary and straightforward) observations as "careful, precise, and scientific analysis." He then produces another article by Orjonikidze, published in Sxivi, January 13, 1910. pp. 31- It begins with observing that Iran is in a severe financial crisis, indeed, "[W]e would not be exaggerating if we were to say that it is a matter of life and death. Iran does not possess a single source of wealth except for flaying the people, who are subject to unbearably unfair taxation, while the khans are able to take foreign protection status and put their property under the protection of another country." He gives as examples Prime Minister Sepahdar, For Sepaxdar; the use of Russian pronunciation indicates that Orjonikidze is either working through Russian sources or is having his Persian-language material translated into Russian for his use. who is under Russian protection, and Sardar Mansur, who is under Ottoman protection. He indicates that he has many more examples, but that these prominent examples will serve. In Gilan in the past year alone, 700-1000 men passed under foreign protection. Orjonikidze continues discussing the Russian domination of Iranian finances and the conditions of the new loan the Russians have proffered. These conditions were very onerous, and the government is to blame for not trying to raise a domestic loan or to raise federal taxes on the people, this latter idea having been been floated by Iran-e Naw. This had been a possibility, but now that Sepahdar was leading domestic reaction, agitation for taxes as an alternative to foreign loans has been silenced and it is difficult to champion this demand. Yeprim [Khan, the Dashnakist who fought for the constitutional revolution] had caused the government to tax food and tobacco, but the people's protests stopped them. Excise agents were sent, but the protests continued. The Hunchakists were fanning the anti-excise agitation while the Dashnakists were supporting Yeprim's policy. The people were losing hope and looking to Germany as a savior. Although Germany, too, has concessions in Iran, it is more private about them.

Our correspondent then passes to the Majlis. He criticizes those who had made a career out of the freedom struggle for their lack of interesting the country's and the people's fate and for their greed. The democratic element in the Majlis is important, he adds, but it is few in number and cannot exert influence. It has been six months since the Majlis has convened, and it must be said that nothing remarkable has come of it.

The political parties, he adds, are the Moderates [Persian: E'tedaliun], which he calls the party of the feudalists and the mullahs, and the Democrats, "led by the famous constitutionalist [Sayyed Hasan] Taqizade, by whom he is immensely impressed. The former party is in the majority and is conservative, saying to any proposal for progress that Iran is not ready for it. They are supporting Sepahdar. It is led by Rahimzade, who, during the revolution, swallowed 5000 rubles. They occasionally call themselves Social Democratic because Social Democracy has so much influence here. This is remarked on by Iranian historians. No Social Democratic party exists in Iran today, the movement having gone through many organizations and reorganizations. The E'tedaliun are benefiting from its influence, but the time is coming quickly when Social Democracy will stand forth.

The Democrats have formed a bloc with the Dashnaks against the Moderates. Its organ is Iran-e Naw. Although it has few members, it often steals the show from the Majlis majority. Its leader, the illustrious Taqizade, is fighting Sepahdar and exposes his sell-out policies. He obtained a vote of no-confidence in him and forced his entire cabinet's removal from office. A powerful orator, his eloquence captivates the Majlis. The Moderates were terrified of him and fled to Sepahdar and begged for mercy: "Don't let us perish!" Sepahdar returned to his place and, forgetting he was a leading feudalist, claimed he was a leading anti-feudlaist. He said he was a liberal and a Germanophile. He had just before closed the radical papers Iran-e Naw and Sharq, although the former ignored this decree. The cabinet, he concluded, is in the grip of feudalists and no progress can be expected from it.

As for the people, most of them are peasants and are the feudalists' slaves. They are not permitted to participate in popular revolutionary activity. For the time being, Orjonikidze sees no place for them. Their place is to be taken by the urban democracy. See Soltanzade's views on the subject, which were very similar. So the people are locked in pessimism. Their only hope is in an outside hero. Other revolutions, he notes, produce powerful personalities who guide the government with strength and wisdom. But the Iranian revolution hasn't followed this pattern. There is no trace of Sattar Khan and Baqer Khan.

Kelenjaridze praises the article, but puts his spin on (for him) its problematic conclusion. The first Russian revolution influenced the Iranian popular masses to make a movement (this being the standard Soviet model of how the Iranian constitutional revolution was set off), but it never entered the skin and bones of toiling Iran. Tyranny was overthrown, but the bourgeoisie and the landlords continued to flay the poor. This, presumably, is how the author explains the apathy with which the peasant majority responded to politics.

Another article in Axali Sxivi, March 10, 1910, is produced. In it, Orjonikidze gives an incident illustrating the power of foreign merchants in Iran and how they induce Iranian merchants to seek foreign protection. A Greek merchant owed an Iranian 4000 tumans. But when the Iranian tried to collect, he came face to face with a bunch of Baku toughs (quchlar) armed with Mauser pistols. He was forced on pain of death to write that he had received the money owed. The chief of police and the governor showed no interest in helping him. The Greek went off to Europe. The Iranian merchant gave up hope in the Iranian government and went to another country for protection. Kelenjaridze comments that the revolution had brought no fundamental change to Iran's political and economic structure. This is because it did not discover the power of the working class. There was no proletarian party or leadership with the capacity to fight and set up a democratic republic, and so reaction won under the armed protection of the British and the Russians.

Kelenjaridze continues with a quote from another piece by Orjonikidze, in which he reports that the Iranians were holding protest demonstrations throughout Iran against the Russian presence. Indeed, the traditional Naw Ruz celebrations were called off, to be declared days of mourning. The shops were closed, the people went into the streets, dressed in mourning, and confronted the foreign troops. A dervish went to congratulate the people on the holiday, but they ultimately told him, "There can be no holiday [bairam] with the Russian troops among us."

He then described a protest meeting of 4000-5000 men and women. Some 300-400 youths carried black flags in mourning. The Anjoman president, the governor's representative, the chief of police, and others came, as well as students, whose speech provoked sobbing among the people. Five other speakers appealed, one after the other, to the people not to leave a place in Iran to foreign governments' armies and people. The Anjoman's president said, "We don't want to enter into hostilities with foreigners, but if they want to destroy us, then we would prefer to perish with honor."

In the April 13, 1910, issue of Chveni Gazeti, Orjonikidze describes a "plot" which fortunately failed, which would have affected not only Rasht, but all of Iran. The plotters included the Tsarist Russian representatives in Iran, the famous reactionary in the Russian consul, 'Amid os-Salatin, and Russia's famous dependent Mullah Shari'atmadar and Mullah Mohammadi. They would, in five months, gather 100-150 men and turn them loose. They had decided to burn the city down, kill the governor, and install 'Amid os-Salatin in his place.

Despite this plot having been foiled, reaction still continued to uproot the revolution's accomplishment--the constitution. p. 41. In May 1910, Sepahdar attacked Iran-e Naw It is interesting that Iran-e Naw's editor, Mohammad Amin Rasulzade, had become such an unperson in Soviet historiography that his name is never mentioned in this connection. and Sharq. This inspired a great outcry from the masses. This frightened the government. The former was allowed to reopen, although the latter, which had closed, folded forever. Reporting on this affair in the May 23, 1910 issue of Chveni Gazeti, Orjonikidze asked why the closing of these two papers had provoked such outrage. He answers that "Iranov", as he called "Iran-e Naw", was the first journal founded in Iran after Mohammad 'Ali Shah was driven out of Iran. "Since then, it has been a vigilant guard of the people's interests." The newspaper had raised its voice in protest against the Shah's destructive policies. It had campaigned against the death penalty and, in its last days, had unmasked the Prime Minister, Sepahdar, and his crafty sellout politics and forced him to retreat. He also eulogizes Sharq. He says that the popular reaction to the closing of the journals indicates that the Iranian people do not want to relinquish their newfound freedoms. After praising the above as a model of publicist journalism, he further quotes the article: We have seen that it is possible to overcome even the biggest feudal lord in Iran (i.e., Sepahdar). He was not able to overcome the people's outrage, and was forced to give in. In a postscript, he notes that Iran-e Naw was reopened, but declared he would return to this issue if that progressive magazine were ever again to be closed.

A piece published in Chveni Gazeti, May 12, 1910, attacks Yeprim Khan's lack of response to the closure of the two progressive journals. The Democrats had appealed to Yeprim Khan for help. He demurred, saying that as a government employee, he could not counteract the government's deeds. In an on-the-record meeting with Orjonikidze, he pleaded ignorance, saying that for over a year, he had not even read the Armenian press, let alone the Persian press. When Orjonikidze persisted, saying that it was a question of principle, he replied, "If Sepahdar really banned a newspaper, clearly we would protest. But if Novoe Vremia A notorious Russian-chauvinist paper. is closed in Russia, would you protest?" He added, "People shouldn't meddle in politics!" Orjonikidze added an ironic comment on "the revolutionary Dashnaks" and "their revolutionary leader."

Along these lines, the author notes p. 45. that some of the Iranian press, such as Esteqlal-e Iran criticized "the counter-revolutionary role" of "certain people who came in from the Caucasus," meaning (according to the author) Yeprim and Tumanians. This same journal hailed the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party's fraternal aid and writes, "Yes, there were other Caucasians who gave up their lives for others, but these are other Caucasians."

The author then touches on the Panov affair and the reaction of Sergo Gurji (whom he here identifies with Orjonikidze) to Panov. I dealt with this in my paper on Chipashvili, and, since Kelenjaridze does not bring anything new to the discussion here, and indeed covers less of it than the former author, I refer to what I said in my article on Chipashvili's work.

Another piece by Orjonikidze pp. 45-46. advocates the abolition of the death penalty. He claims that the Iranian constitutionalists had been disappointed that this penalty would not be abolished. I have never seen a single discussion of this in the constitutional press. It describes the hanging of "a hungry, thirsty, wretched-- peasant," who had stolen a morsel of bread. He gives a colorful description of the hanging and declares that there is no place for gallows under a constitutional regime. This leads him to once more describe his pessimism regarding the revolution. There is, he declares, nothing in it for the toilers and it will not last. It is a doomed revolution, in the hands of the feudalists' representatives. One can expect no progress from it.

After this begins the section on Gurji Sergo and his History.

As in the case of Chipashvili's work, we must deplore the fact that this important historical source remains unpublished, to be viewed only through the prism of highly ideological Soviet authors. In any case, once again, Chipashvili gave a much fuller account of the content of the History. Indeed, entire crucial episodes go virtually undiscussed (such as the seizure of Rasht, which gets very short shrift, although details are provided which Chipashvili does not).

The chronology of events covered in the History is that in September 1908, p. 49. the besieged constitutionalist fighters of Tabriz issued a call for help to the Caucasian revolutionary parties. Many Caucasians, particularly Georgians, responded. Within two months (November-December 1908), a body of 22 fighters passed over the Aras River through Iranian Julfa and set up a safe house in an Armenian's apartment in Rasht and prepared bombs and other weapons for the fight. The powder for the bombs was ignited when Mo'ezz os-Soltan, a leading local constitutionalist notable, went to inspect the work and lit a cigarette. Fortunately, the resulting fire was extinguished, but the revolutionaries' hands were now forced.

At this point in the narrative, two points can be made. One is that Kelenjaridze, who identifies Gurji Sergo with Orjonikidze, is forced to say that Orjonikidze was one of the Georgian representatives on the Iranian Revolutionary Committee. p. 49. This is clearly impossible, as Orjonikidze would only enter Iran a year later.

The second point is that Kelenjaridze had quoted Chipashvili on how useless the Georgians considered the Iranians as revolutionaries, although he spares the readers some of the choicer epithets. There was, he reported, a great deal of internal distrust and mutual recriminations. "Some committee!" he exclaims at one point. p. 50. It was, moreover, inefficient, sometimes working and sometimes not. The Iranians had appealed to the Caucasians in such a servile fashion: "We, who know you and have become much acquainted with your generosity, what can we do, who have nothing? You carry our future. May God protect and aid you." He comments that all Iranians speak this way, yet why should the Caucasians have more resources than they do to plot a revolution? He asserts that, were it not for the Caucasians, the uprising would have occurred too late. Only after the explosion were they forced to agree to do things the way the Caucasians wanted them done.

He then comes to the part where the Dashnaks tried to sow discord. As I noted in my comments on Chipashvili's writings, the Dashnaks declared that they did not recognize the current revolutionary staff (which meant the Georgians) and would only work with the local people. The present revolutionary staff should be abolished, they insisted, and a new one, consisting of four Iranians and five Dashnakists, should be formed. The Georgian group should act under its leadership.

This ultimatum failed. Kelenjaridze remarks here that no comment is needed on the Dashnakists' counter-revolutionary nature. One Georgian fighter gave a sharp rebuff to the Dashnakists and called them "counter-revolutionary". (Kelenjaridze even asserts that it was Orjonikidze who said this.) Yeprim, Kelenjaridze asserts, paraphrasing Sergo Gurji's account, could not tolerate being exposed and fled. After he calmed down, he came and apologized and said, "I intended to say something else, but you misunderstood me." This latter comment does not appear in Chipashvili's account. The Iranians, however, when what the Georgians told the Armenians was translated for them, applauded and kissed their hands and feet (adding that this was an Iranian custom.)

Kelenjaridze then cuts to the fighting for Rasht, leaving out the story of the uprising itself. The rest of the narrative is close enough to Chipashvili's. The khans come in and reap the fruits of the victory to "assert their authority and fill their pockets." In the meantime, the Shah's forces were approaching from Qazvin. There was a need to fortify the road to Tehran. Kelenjaridze quotes Sergo Gurji as saying that only the Georgians and the Armenians went out to help. To be precise, on January 30, 1909, 11 Georgians, 8 Armenians, and 5 Iranians stationed themselves on the Tehran road. "The people applauded the fighters, played music, and yelled madly, 'Long live the Georgians, long live the Armenians, long live the Constitution!' Meanwhile, the khans were turning their backs on the revolution. The revolution itself was lead by reactionary elements and various dregs who had only one wish: To fill their hands through the revolution. Yesterday's reactionary was now wearing the red ribbon, sat overloaded with weapons and grieved the people. In a word, they started a great theft."

There then begins Kelenjaridze's version of the Panov affair. The chief difference here is that Kelenjaridze keeps referring to Panov, the Bulgarian revolutionary, using an Armenian name (Panoviants) and claimed that he was in league with the Dashanakists, when in fact he was allied with Caucasian Muslim forces, as even Kelenjaridze later makes clear.

Kelenjaridze then cuts to the frontline forces in Rasht who were marching towards Qazvin. Again, the account is parallel to Chipashvili's, and so it bears no comment. There is one vignette which Chipashvili left out of his account, which is the scene in the Georgian camp on the eve of battle. The Georgians had advanced within a certain distance of Qazvin and had dug in, anticipating a battle the next day with the Shah's troops. When their reconnaissance groups returned in the afternoon reporting that the Shah's forces were nowhere to be seen, they cursed and passed the night in the ambuscades anyway. Bonfires were lit, they were all in a fighting mood. Some drank wine. Some cursed the Shah and his troops. Songs, which everyone loved, were song, the troops joining in the chorus. By 2 a.m., the wine had been drunken, the fires were now glowing embers. A fighter rushes from an ambuscade and tells his comrades, "Hey! What's this I see, men?!" There is a big movement from the Tehran road that night. Mules and donkeys loaded with equipment along with 400 men. He is met with laughter and returns embarrassed. By 4 a.m., almost all are asleep. By 7 a.m., the watch is changed. They hear news about the Panov affair and decide to return to Rasht to drive that provocateur out. But Mo'ezz os-Saltane, who is very fraternal towards the Georgians, pleaded with them not to lose him and put themselves in danger. And so they changed their initial plan and only send two comrades back. The author himself returns to the Panov affair, but nothing further is added to Chipashvili's account, except that here, he relates that Panov had called for the expulsion of the Armenians along with the other Caucasians. The Anjoman, which was very much under Panov's spell, pondered this, now distrusting the Georgians. The next day, February 20, the Georgians and the Armenians "and other Caucasians" united in a meeting. It called for Panov's exile from Iran. Panov did not take them seriously. He considered himself the commander of the entire revolutionary force.

The next day, there was a meeting in the Armenian Theater in Rasht. Present were "the Gilani-Tabrizi Armenians," the Georgians, and the Baku toughs (qochlar) which formed Panov's private guard. They wanted to try Panov. If guilty, he should leave Iran. Panov had many defenders. The Georgians in the staff had prestige enough and convinced the Iranians not to trust him and to form a united force. They carried the day and the meeting broke up to cries of "Long live the constitution!" p. 61.

But Panov was not done. The Anjoman and other established revolutionary organizations, out of fear of Panov, according to Kelenjaridze, decided not to implement this decision. The Georgians categorically insisted. "Either he goes or we do." Things were stalemated. By March 20, two members of "the Central Committee," Rasulzade and Rahimzade, Chipashvili calls them "Azerbaijani chauvinists." came to Rasht. They took Panov's side. "I, a Central Committee member, know Panov better than you. He told the Georgians, "You know that we wanted to capture Rasht without you." The Georgians replied, "We didn't come as Georgians, we came as internationalists. There is no need for us to stay with you. So your savior Panov wins." They then phoned the Georgians on the frontlines to return. The Anjoman then decided to act and to drive out Panov, who then realized that he was no longer able to stay. He agreed to go, but demanded "road money" of 7000 tumans; the Anjoman gave him 3000. He left with eleven of his toughs.

With Panov gone, calm returned. The revolutionary forces were united. "The Anjoman grew more courageous. Every member knew his duty. The revolutionary forces grew to 1000, but many of them privately admired the old regime. According to Sergo Gurji, some (mostly Gilanis) wrote to him in the army that some were going to desert. There were cases of treachery. Some entered into the Shah's side and made provocations against the revolutionaries' supporters from the Caucasus. For example, Karim Aqa from Yuzbash Chai went to Rasht and launched into an anti-Christian provocation declaring, 'They want to rule Iran!' But the Caucasians used active means to put an end to that provocation. The revolutionary forces were now at 1500. 'Our forces are enough not only to march on Qazvin, but Tehran, too.' But the Rashtis were awaiting reassuring news from Tabriz." The Russian forces were occupying Tabriz at the time.

In the meantime, the Shah was instigating the governor of Ardebil to move against Rasht. This would put an end to the Iranian revolution. On the other hand, the revolution was threatened by Ghias-e Nezam. p. 63. There follows a chronicling of the war with Ghias-e Nezam very much like that produced by Chipashvili, except for some interesting vignettes. For example, Ghias' son, Naser Khan, tries to incite the Kurds against the constitutionalist forces by telling them that they are infidels. "If they set foot on the bridge, they'll see what kind of day we'll show them." The mood among the Georgian forces was eager. Among them were many new Georgian and Armenian forces, fresh from the Caucasus. Four hours into the night, the constitutionalist forces set off. There follows more details of the war, the victory, and the march on Qazvin, but this is essentially the same narrative as presented in Chipashvili's paper, which included many more details.

Kelenjaridze produces p. 66 another comment on the treason of the Gilanis and the local khans and the devotion of the Caucasians, which caused the constitutionalist cause to be crowned with victory. However, "the fruits of victory went to the mullahs and the khans." Sepahdar came to Qazvin from Rasht, to the great applause of the people. A Georgian stopped a Gilani from sacrificing his child before him. Now that Qazvin was captured, the Caucasians, according to Kelenjaridze, considered their mission done. By May 15, all but two or three had gone back to Rasht and were preparing to go home. By the end of May, of the sixty, only eight or nine were still in Rasht because the police were waiting for them in Russia.

In the meantime, with the fall of Qazvin, the Shah offered to restore the constitution. Sepahdar wanted to have the revolutionaries lay down their arms in response. Even the revolutionaries themselves didn't know whether or not to continue with the struggle. But the revolt of the Bakhtiaris in the south settled the issue. There follows a discussion of the role of the Bakhtiaris which adds nothing to what we learned in Chipashvili, p. 66-74 but two vignettes are worth repeating. One concerns a 1500-strong force of constitutionalists which met defeat in June 22 in Shahabad on the way to linking up with the Bakhtiaris. They were barricaded in this village and telegraphed Rasht for the remaining Georgians to join them. They reached Qazvin the next day and linked up with a troop of Qaradaghis volunteers. They reached Shahabad and the first thing they are reported to have done was to gather 200 guns which Mohammad `Ali Shah had distributed to the local peasants to defend his throne. They were to be used in the end for the revolution. The Georgians and Qaradaghis joined forces with the Bakhtiaris and marched on Tehran. There follows a lengthy meditation by Sergo Gurji on the fact that 2000 troops had to wait for a handful of Georgians to lead them to victory, which is covered by Chipashvili.

For the rest of the fighting, the Bakhtiaris figure as the real heroes, overshadowing the roles played by Yeprim's, Mo`ezz, Sepahadar, and even the Georgians. The Bakhtiaris save Yeprim from utter defeat, surrender, and capture, rally the forces for an offensive, and drive the enemy into a headlong retreat into a fortress, which they then take in a daring night raid. They play this role in battle after battle. On entering Tehran, they took the most dangerous positions. The author leaves us with the quote, on taking Tehran, that "some traitors and Armenians feared a 'pogrom'" and took refuge in the British embassy. p. 72. Chipashvili quotes this, but does not use the word "traitors." Interestingly, it is mentioned here that the Georgians arrived at the seizure of Tehran, cleaning up the rear. There follows a (probably exaggerated) depiction of the street fighting, the streets running red with gore. The British consulate was informed that, "The Georgians are in the streets throwing bombs, do something to stop them." The British and the Austrian consulates intervened and told the Shah that if he fired on the British consulate, the British would take certain measures. By the middle of the day, word came that Shah had taken refuge in the Russian consulate.

The revolutionaries played the Marseilles in the Majlis courtyard. The Bakhtiaris emerged as the heroes of the day. Had the fighting been left to the ineffective Gilanis, they would either have been massacred by Liakhov's troops or have been captured alive and the Iranian revolution would have ended. p. 74. July 5 saw the inauguration of Ahmad Shah. With cabinet posts being passed out, some suggested the Georgians as chief of the Cossack brigade, but no one accepted the idea.

The memoirist ends with these lines:

So ended the Iranian revolution (if we may call it a revolution). The people, or better, a few wealthy khans, won. The remaining ministries and the necessary agents will be distributed to this clique, and a so-called popular parliament's opening will be proposed. p. 75.

The rest of this monograph concern Orjonikidze's career as a journalist later inhis life, but has no relevance to this study, and I move on to Kelenjaridze's second contribution to the study of the Georgian role in the Iranian constitutional revolution.

Gurjebi: Kartvelei Iranis 1905-1911 Shlebis Revolutsiashi (gurjebi: karTvelebi iranis 1905-1911 Slebis revoluciaSi) (1975)

In this work, Kelenjaridze presents the fruit of five years of archival research into the lives of Georgians who went to fight for the Iranian constitution's restoration.

Its lengthy introduction show him once more to be not very well acquainted with Iranian studies and with general scholarly usage. For instance, he opens with the comment that the Iranian constitutional revolution "has been adequately studied by our [Soviet] historians." gorgebi, p. 3. He presents references, but this is done carelessly--in many cases, the original titles are not given, or the date and place of publication is missing--and haphazardly--to take two glaring examples, although he echoes Soviet historiography's high regard for Kasravi's history of the constitutional period ("the most important work"), he neglects to mention Nazem ol-Eslam's history which preceded it and informed much of it; although he mentions the pro-imperialist David Fraser's work, he neglects E. G. Browne's much more important history. pp. 4-5. In view of their rivalry, it is worth noting that the author lists WipaSvili as one of these scholars, although makes a dig at him by referring to him as "historian [degree] candidate." There follows pp. 6-8. the usual Soviet recitation of Iranian constitutional history, although he has been chastised by Chipashvili for uncritically swallowing the line that Sattar Khan was a member of the Caucasian Bolshevik Hemmat party, mentioning, with Chipashvili that there is no Iranian documentation of this. He now acknowledges the criticism this view has come under since Ivanov popularized it, but clings to the possibility that it might be true after all. He quotes Kasravi, however, as saying that during this period, Sattar Khan was waging partisan warfare against the Shah's forces, another staple of Soviet historiography which has no basis in fact. Indeed, repeated by WipaSvili. See .

The author then turns pp. 9-11. to the vexed issue of the identity of Gurji Sergo, the Soviet received wisdom that its true author was Orjonikidze having come under devastating attack by Chipashvili. He maintains that his own linguistic and stylistic analysis and I. Dubinski-Muxadze's work published by Molodaia Gvardia in 1963 demonstrates this. He then summarizes Chipashvili's argument as set forth first in the 1969 Drosha (droSa) article on the subject. First, the author would have to have personally participated in the fighting. Second, there is the testimony of people like Japaridze and Sergo's brother, Yason, which point to someone else. This is followed by a point-by-point refutation: Orjonikidze had been in Iran for a year by the time the memoirs were written, and so knew enough about Iranian conditions to write this memoir. But even if he was not the author of the memoirs, this would not prove that Chipashvili's candidate, Gamdlishvili (gamdliSvili) was. As for the second point, he insists that they did not confirm Chipashvili's claim, and that when Yason was shown the gazette in which it was published, he had never heard of it, and that this latter fact is confirmed in writing. As for Japaridze, he had met with him on more than one occasion and, when asked about the identity of Sergo Gurgi, had no information, nor did he have any information about the author by that name of the history. Moreover, Orjonikidze's brother said that Orjonikidze had written it. Then, when his article came out in Komunisti, November 11, 1963. the author received a letter from Yason asking if it might have been his brother who had written the history, since he had been in Iran and had written for the Georgian press. A lively correspondence ensued in which Yason gave much information which deepened the author's knowledge. As for Japaridze's memoirs' alleged mentioning of Gambdlishvili, identifying him with Sergo Gurji, this does not appear in any of the official Party versions of Japaridze's memoirs. In this connection in particular, Kelenjeridze's negligence in not providing documentation for his assertions is all the more exasperating. He concludes that the matter requires further research.

The author then passes to a general discussion about the Georgian presence in the Iranian constitutional revolution. He begins by saying that the Georgians were seeking refuge (lTolva) in Iran, p. 12. See also p. 23. something which is at odds with their heroic image, but is an accurate reflection of what appears in the memoir literature they left behind. The majority, he asserts, of the Caucasian volunteers were Georgian, and the majority of these were Bolsheviks. There then follows a lengthy disquisition pp. 12-17. on proletarian internationalism as the inspiration that would make, for example, an Armenian revolutionary go and fight in Iran. p. 14.

The author then discusses the Iranian constitutional revolution itself. pp. 18-20. It started in violent protests meetings and demonstrations in which the privileged classes (the merchants, the clergy, and the artisans) along with people from among the masses participated. A constitution was granted, but with the enthronement of a new shah, the country's politics changed, and a Russian-backed coup overthrew the constitution, ushering the period of resistance led by Tabriz and Gilan, something made feasibly by their proximity to "proletarian Baku." p. 19. Actually, sergo gurgi in his memoirs credits Tabriz alone with having any mass revolutionary quality, and takes no pains in diSergo Gurjiuising his diSergo Gurjiust for the Gilanis' lack of capacity to struggle. He does, however, credit proximity to the Caucasus for Azerbaijan's willingness to stand and fight. See___________. He then discusses the Tabriz revolutionaries--Sattar Khan, "the chief selected by the people" [for the Persian sardar-e mellat, or "the People's Chief"] and his comrade in arms, Baqer Khan "the stone mason."

When their backs were against the wall, being hard-pressed by the Shah's men, the Tabriz revolutionaries called on the Caucasian revolutionaries. Georgian revolutionary Social Democrats along with other Caucasian revolutionaries, answered their call on the basis of proletarian brotherhood and solidarity. It should be said here that the terms "proletarian solidarity" or "support to their class brothers" are fixtures in Soviet Georgian explanations for Georgian participation in the fighting in Iran. This heavy reliance on class to explain the motivation of the fighters is not sustained in the memoir literature. But see the first memoir in gurjebi, p. 43; it should be pointed out that this memoir, however, was itself a product of the Soviet era. In particular, Kelenjaridze quotes the Soviet Azeri historian Agajanov as saying that Hemmat and the Bolsheviks systematically sent supplies and Marxist literature to Iranian Azerbaijan. Hemmat is nowhere mentioned in the Georgian literature, and there is absolutely no mention of the presence of Marxist literature in Iranian Azerbaijan or Gilan in this material. But see gurjebi, p. 44, which was itself, however, written at least in the 1960s in the Soviet Union and can be expected to reflect Soviet doctrine on the matter. Again, the author quotes Agajanov as saying that there were two committees which did this work, the Tbilisi committee of the RSDLP led by Yosef Stalin and the Hemmat led by Nariman Narimanov. The literature on these two figures does not bear this out. Document. The author, following Pavlovich Who is heavily discredited by Ivanov. See------. claims that there were 180 Georgian fighters, a figure the author considers reliable. Again, calculations based on the memoir literature gives a much lower figure. With the arrival in Iran of Russian troops to occupy Tabriz and their threat to occupy more of Iranian territory in order to "pacify" it, it became impossible for Russian subjects to continue participating in the fighting in any regular fashion, and so all but six returned.

After this discussion, the author moves on to the memoirs themselves.

The first memoir produced is Rogor iqo aghebuli Rashti da Qazvini (rogor iyo aRebuli raSti da yazvini , How Rasht and Qazvin Rose up) by M. A. Bogdanov-Mariashkin. The author gives no indication of where or when it was written or how he came by it. He only indicates that he was publishing it for the first time. Internal evidence shows that it was likely a product of the Khrushchev era; the death of the pro-Soviet Iranian poet Lahuti in 1960 is mentioned p. 40. and, in any case, it could not have been written later than the early seventies, since it was published in 1975. He was part of the team which included Gurji Sergo and Anton Japaridze. As he tells it, his comrades included "the experienced [famous?] Bolsheviks Kalia Tetiustski and Vano "Davaxetke" Karpetov, the Petersburg university student and Social Revolutionary Grigol Emxvari, and others." He recalls that Sattar Khan had first sent them to attack Rasht and then move on to Qazvin and Tehran so that `Ain od-Dawle, who was besieging Tabriz, would be forced to divert his forces to stop them. p. 27.

The memoirist begins with the entry of he and his thirty-one comrades into Iran. On December 6, 1908, a comrade told him about the Iranians' appeal and asked if he wanted to go along. They were to smuggle weapons to Baku (Mausers, dismantled cannons (or rifles: Tufebi), and bombs from the Social Democrats. These were put in two baskets. There, they met Stepan Shaumian A Bolshevik who was killed by anti-Bolshevik elements when Baku fell to the Whites in 1918. Much is regularly attributed to him by Soviet historians, and such attributions should be treated with skepticism. and Datiko Tsagareishvili. The latter was in charge of the weapons. Since there was a national festival in progress, they figured that the local police would be preoccupied. The baskets were loaded into a carriage and dispatched to Tabriz, the carriage-driver being a member of their organization. Shaumian was worried that our old Tbilisi comrade Kolia Tetiutski who had arrived the previous day from Tabriz, where he had been fighting along with Sattar Khan. Along with us in the wagon were our old friends from Batum, Gori, and Kutaisi. We carried with us the baskets with the bombs, the Mausers, and the disassembled cannons. Kolia Tetiutski met us at the Baku station and brought their luggage to the Ivaria Hotel near the station. With us were Veliko from Batum, Zhghenti from Kutaisi, and Vardo and Petre from Gori. The next day, they carried their load to Taqiev's _____, which was run by (?) their Azerbaijani comrades. They prepared to get their payload over the border and into Iran. Their group consisted of seven: Petre "Vakhana", Met "Okroqanis Deputat", Giorgi "Metsaghe", Vaso "Kochli", Gigo "Gizhi", from Batum, the memoirist "Misha-Uria", and Yosebi from Tbilisi, and Pasha Khan, the Petersburg student, from Baku.

They were getting ready to leave for Iran and didn't know who their organizer was to be. They continued to Russian Astarabad, to a small hotel run by one of their own people. They were informed there that the local police were after them and were concerned that they would be searched. The representative of the Iranian revolutionary committee recommended that they leave their Mausers with the hotel owner, who would get it passed over the border (?) and that, security precautions should be taken. They were given some money and rail tickets, plus documents indicating that one was a fish merchant, another his servant, another a laborer, another a craftsman, another a shoemaker, etc. The author himself was represented as a representative of an enterprise. The "fish merchants" claimed to the border police that they were representatives of Liazonof. The famous Russian-Armenian who owned the concession for fisheries in the Iranian Caspian region. The police were suspicious for various reasons. When Liazonof was contacted, he denied that he had any such representative. Petre didn't hide any more and said, "We are not fish merchants, we are revolutionaries, but woe to you if you reveal the secret of our guilt, because we buy the biggest portion of fishes for you and it is sent to our address." (?) He said that out loud. That we were Tbilisi fish merchants. (?) The police sat down. There was no grounds for doubting that we were buying in Astara. In the streets, we didn't embrace each other or speak with each other. We simply bought a room in a hotel. Once, Apolon Japaridze, who was coming from Iran and was heading for Baku, entered the hotel. He reported that a group of comrades had been arrested their documents seized, they were watching attentively, and now guards were arriving at the hotel in which they were living. They had no means of crossing the border. We explained our situation to Apolon and said he should meet the representative of the Iranian revolutionary committee and hasten our border crossing. Apolon returned, met the Iranian comrades, and decided that it was necessary that we speed up, since we were in an illegal situation.

Apolon's intervention sped up our border crossing. Our passports were returned. It was possible by a bribe to get our Iranian who followed us from the north (?) to report to the hotel that we were getting our weapons and were going to cross the border.

We had to bypass (?) Iranian guards to cross the Aras River. When searched at the border, we attacked and got armed (?).

To reach Iranian Astara, we searched for a place to ford the river. (?) It was decided he'd (?) go to Rasht to get a secure safe house.

One evening, when we went to town, we were surrounded by bandits. They were brought to a tea house. We were armed, but didn't want to get into a battle with them and give ourselves away and show what our mission was. So we answered that we were Liazanov's armed guards.

In Rasht, we stayed in (?) an Armenian's building and produced a little. But it wasn't strong. Not suitable for making bombs and bullets. A special door was needed. We worked from morning to night. 32 The groups worked secretly so that they rarely saw each other. We would decided what to do in a week or two. Rasht had the Court soldiers and Cossacks, gendarmes and cavalry. Also, there were large bodies of the merchants' armed guards, a hostile force. We needed to accumulate weapons and produce them. We also got weapons from the Caucasus. The deadline was approaching. Meanwhile, we had gotten to know Rasht and studied the military objectives, the enemy, the barracks, and the palace. On the social condition of Rasht, the memoirist writes that there were innumerable huts for the poor who lived in a terrible poverty next to the wealthy people's villas and gardens. He noted the beautiful ornamentation on the wealthy people's buildings. In the alley, they'd suck their waterpipes and chat aimlessly. On the big bazaar, he wrote about how the merchants sat on the ground. There were plenty of fruit and vegetables. Craftsmen worked, there were shoemakers, barbers, dallaks. The dallak would sit cross-legged. They'd shave using a dirty cup filled with dirty soap foam. There were wandering dervishes, horrible-looking, who would ask for alms. 33 On the foreign quarters: One or two story cottages, variant architecture, huge warehouses, hospitals, schools, consulates, big shops, etc. Its inhabitants were all those Russian and British and German merchants who had descended on the people like leeches. They would take the Crown's side.

He wrote that they needed to test bombs and bullets. They needed to go to Anzali to test them. Once, while working in the lab, one of the leaders, Mo`ezz os-Soltan's son, Karim Khan, came in [Details unclear.] and lit a match for his cigarette. There was an explosion. Japaridze got burned. So did Karim Khan and the memoirist worst of all. Luckily, the fire didn't spread, they were able to extinguish it. There were enough explosives to wipe them out. No doubt it was an accident, negligence. But from then on, no one was allowed in the lab. They recovered from their injuries. They couldn't allow out the doctor who treated them. 34 In addition, a boy had found their hiding place and they couldn't release him, either. After the explosion, they began to investigate the possibility of an attack. After going out, Mo`ezz os-Soltan reported that their house was under suspicion. A search was to be expected, and they would all be imprisoned. But how could they accomplish anything with their small forces? Mo`ezz assured them that the people would help them. They replied, We had come to Iran to help the people's revolution and were content to strike the first blow. Our group was small and we had taken upon ourselves an extremely big responsibility for the Iranian people and for us.

The memoirist continues: We contacted the local parties. We soon told the local Dashnaks' representative, Yeprim, that we wanted to work together with him. Mo`ezz participated in the talks. Instead of saying that his Dashnaks would form a force and unite with us and help, he listened and immediately broke relations (?) with us. Mo`ezz os-Soltan tried to do something, but he did not insist on continuing talks with the Dahsnaks. He [who?] declared that these results were unacceptable. He announced this tactical action to us. (?) Mo`ezz os-Soltan, aside from us, had a small group of mojaheds, but we were uncertain what role they would play in the preparations for the struggle nor of their political outlook. 35 All we knew was that the Shah had a well-disciplined and well-armed force and was a well-trained foe. Later we were assured that the Shah's forces would fall apart on a furious attack. Aside from these, there was the cavalry and the royal guard.

The beginning of the attack was to be signaled with a bomb. The central part of town was to be overrun. The barracks was to be surrounded and no troops let out. This would set off the fighting. Six people were to be sent to demolish the city's military staff and then join us. Our slogan was "Death or victory!" We had no fear. There was no doubt that we would win. All were merry, excited. It was February 26, 1909. Not an idle moment. Someone distributed proclamations to sympathizers and rallied them to our revolutionary banner. Mo`ezz assured us that Mohammad `Ali Shah was not popular among the people, in fact, they hated him for many reasons. Indeed, the illiterate people, extremely poor, were discontent. The vast majority did not know what medicine was, had seldom met a doctor, were lice-ridden and plagued by severe diseases. They smoked opium. In the villages, the feudal was king. The khan did as he pleased. Agricultural production was at an extremely low level. Industry was 36 ruined by British, German, and Russian imports. The Iran of the time was characterized by great opulence in the middle of grinding poverty. Foreign capital stunted local development. There were concessions such as Liazonov's and incredible unemployment. Many would go to Baku and other Caucasian cities. Aside from not knowing Russian, these Iranians would lower the wages of the local workers. Eventually, their patience boiled over and they joined the struggle, participating in strikes and demonstrations. They would return home with their revolutionary ideas, etc.

The author continues, discussing Russian interference in Iran, the role played by Russian officers such as Liakhov in the coup against the constitution, the post and roads concessions, the predatory loans policies, etc. 37 All that was needed was a spark. This spark was the Georgian group. It ignited the whole country and led to the Shah's downfall. We were confident that our revolutionary appearance would move the poor Iranian masses. It was not a hopeless supposition.

Early morning, February 26, 1909, Mo`ezz os-Soltan came in with joy and excitement: Rasht's governor-general and his military staff along with six escorts were outside the city in a garden. We had to quickly take advantage and wipe them out. He told us to get five men. They were Valiko of Batum and Petre and Vardo of Gori, Giorgi of Tbilisi and Kolka (Kolia Tetiutski) of Baku. And so was formed the terrorist squad led by Mo`ezz os-Soltan, armed with Mausers and bombs. The 26 remaining would be ready at 10 a.m., an hour after our terrorists had left. Our signal would be a bomb explosion. The explosion frightened everyone. We rushed to our stations, the barracks and the governor's palace.

On the way, we encountered enemy forces and quickly destroyed them. We opened massive cannon and gun fire on the barracks. As soon as we arrived, they killed Pasha Khan and Giorigi of Tbilisi and the Potemkin sailor was wounded. This infuriated us. We took revenge for our comrades. 38 We burned down the barracks and would let no one escape. The five who wiped out the military staff and the governor joined up with us. Yeprim joined with his group and entered the fray. The local population joined to help along with the mojaheds. Our losses were not few, but neither were the enemy's. The attack became more furious by the hour. We were finally able to surround the barracks and the palace. There were the sounds of screaming, the groans of the wounded, etc. We were finally able to ignite the barracks and the palace. The enemy late at night retreated into the Ark (?) and the fighting continued until the next morning. The enemy was no longer able to regroup for an offensive and gradually we were able to disarm them. (?) We took no prisoners. We were glad that everything was over by dinner. The city was ours, we had won. We put an immediate end to looting. The city was dead. Everything was closed. We got it restored to normal life. We got many weapons from the barracks and seized the treasury, the post office, and so on, as booty. We formed a revolutionary staff.

We called on the people to turn in (?) their arms to us. We disarmed the big landlords, the khans, and the merchants. This continued several days, but we could not slow down. We prepared to march on Qazvin. We were joined by Azeris from Baku. Increasingly, workers, artisans, and youth joined the revolutionary ranks. We taught them the military arts. After we figured we had a sufficient force, we marched to Qazvin. We counted our forces at 10,000. (!)

But their weapons were not enough for a mass army. We took aid from the big bourgeoisie (?) 39 who had moved against us. We gathered 500,000 tumans. There was no requisitioning. _________. Got as many supplies from within the country as from abroad.

Mohammad `Ali Shah prepared for a counter-blow. He got one of his brothers to go to Germany. (fn1 Sani` od-Dawle, who was killed in February 1911. A typesetter, who worked on the gazette Iran-e Naw. He was captured in the course of carrying out this terrorist act and sent in shackles to Russia. At the border, at Astara, he was taken out and strangled. There was also another Georgian typesetter working at Iran-e Naw.) He came back with new Mausers of the latest model from Germany and six-shooters. He armed the Mazandaran and Azerbaijani khans. We got these weapons in the mountains of Ardebil. Countless men and chador-clad women came to the funeral of our fallen. With great respect. Abol-Qasem Lahuti read a poem. This is dubious. There is no mention of Lahuti in any of the other material, nor in the Iranian sources. It seems that he is being written into the story a) because of his close ties to the Soviet Union, b) close ties to the author himself, and c) under the inspiration of the widely-attested presence of Kasmai'i. He said he wanted to go to Qazvin and fight. 40 There follows a gratuitous biography of Lahuti.

The members of the fighting group were called Gurji due to the majority presence of Georgians among them.

We headed for Qazvin in March. We occupied a position by the Manjili bridge, stationed artillery around it. We took positions in the hills and by the highway. We reconnoitered to get information about an enemy advance. We sent armed comrades to Qazvin to aid an uprising there. We found Ghias on-Nezam's cavalry was hidden in the mountains. When we attack Qazvin, they would swoop down on us and strike us from behind. We sent a force led by Hamid os-Soltan to destroy it, which would then unite with us. We took to the mountain passes. We advanced in the dark and the pouring rain. There was no firm foothold. Yet, we had no loses. We saw the enemy's horses. We did not have long to go. We defeated them after a brief battle. The enemy suddenly abandoned 41 its position and headed for Qazvin. Mission accomplished. We linked up with the main force. We found some barrels of wine labeled "Georgian". Unhesitatingly shot them up. This was a provocation.

The reconnaissance team found that the road to Qazvin was more fortified than Rasht and that the advancing forces would be immediately crushed. The idea was to lure the enemy into a sack and crush it. We would take the city from the left side. (?) The enemy forces had put us in such a position. We had to take care that neither the local government nor Tehran send reinforcements. It was protected by Kurds and Cossacks. Against them were the revolutionary forces, cavalry, Georgians, Yeprim's forces, and Azeri forces. The first force had to break into the city and engage the enemy. The second was to distract the enemy. The third _____.

Now it was night. Mo`ezz os-Soltan had the bugler call. Recon gave intelligence from time to time. There was no threat on the road. There was a part in the road. The mojaheds would go to the left. Our patrols met theirs. Fire was exchanged.

42 Our main problem was to get into the city. Bombs and guns were heard. In the fighting, the revolutionary people joined in (?) and the comrades sent by our leadership. Fighting separately, we descended on the enemy's positions and then the general staff and the big military divisions. There was no respite all night. We surrounded the palace. We gradually closed in on the enemy. Bombs were thrown and artillery was brought to bear, artillery led by Tedor of the Potemkin. The enemy tried to rally around the battle cry "Vallah! Mohammad `Ali Shah!" We sang the Marseilles and the Varshavianski. The nose of bombs would not let them rally. They took heavy losses. Despite the palace's being fortified,______________.

Wounded comrades: Iliko (Baku), Abram (Qazvini Greek). A second Abram was wounded. (?) Japaridze was wounded, rendered unconscious. The author brought him to a shop. He was sent to a hospital. We got him a doctor and brought him back. It grew light. We took many prisoners. We distributed weapons among the revolutionary people. The memoirist discussed the dealings with prisoners___________. There was no disorder. The enemy surrendered their prisoners________________ (?) There was some resistance still in points of the city. A pincer maneuver was sent out to destroy it. Street fighting followed. We closed in on the palace. It was strongly fortified. We were open targets.

43 We distributed surplus weapons to the people. We had brought many bombs and much dynamite. We blew up parts of the fence. We would try to get surrendering troops to tell us what was going on inside the palace and where the fortifications were. They refused to tell: they had sworn to the Shah. There was continual bombardment. The second night came. We were brave. We knew we were fighting for our class brothers' freedom and the end of the Shah's tyranny. Moment by moment, Mo`ezz os-Soltan, Yeprim, and other leaders took (?) positions, they showed us courage and lined up with us (?) carefully. We were freedom-loving young men skilled in partisan warfare. Surrender talks were held. We reached an accord. They left the palace for the field. They laid down their arms and were taken captive. There was a ceasefire. Qazvin was in the hands of the revolution. There were many dead and wounded on both sides. The people came into the streets to celebrate.

The next day, tea houses and, gradually, shops opened. They smoked their pipes and played nardban and dominos, etc.

44 The revolutionaries formed patrols. The Potemkin sailor was taken away. On the second day, a funeral was held. As in Rasht, innumerable people turned out, with great respect. Children and women in chadors, fathers, all cried. "I never saw or heard of such a massive wailing." They were buried with their weapons. We sang revolutionary songs and held a procession. At the grave, we declared, "Let us win or be buried with him!"

Were there to be executions? The fate of the governor-general was discussed . The question was, was he under the Shah's protection?

The Georgians were very beloved. The youth wanted to march with us to Tehran. But because of the language barrier, we could not integrate (?) the local population. We formed party cells and started [lit.: kindled] activity, without us to do this work (?)______________. Propaganda was sent along with weapons 45 from Azerbaijan and Georgia. We fought against (?) the Tsar's government's interference in Iran's internal affairs and we aided our class brothers and prepared the way for the march on Tehran, and we left the ranks and returned (?) when the Shah's famous bandit, Ghias-e Nezam's cavalry was routed in the Manjil mountains were taken and Qazvin, Ardebil, and other places were taken and the road to Tehran was gradually opened. The situation in Tabriz kept improving. `Ain od-Dawle was forced to leave his Tabriz station and send his troops to defend Tehran. Is this so? All this found its way into Russia and the reactionary press there. Novoe Vremia's editor, Suvarine, his correspondent in Tabriz, Meshcherski, and Kievlianin's Shulgin, a famous hangman of freedom, attacked the Iranian movement and especially the Georgians. They called on the Tsar to quickly close the border with Iran and to take strong measures, such as armed intervention. Otherwise, these Caucasian "convicts" would cause the revolution there to win and we will have a repeat of 1905.

So the Russian government, with British approval, occupied Tabriz with 5000 men. It sent its first ultimatum: help turn over the Caucasian Russian subjects. The Anjoman was forced to comply.

46 The Caucasians were forced to turn back, or risk Snarsky moving on Qazvin and rejoin the struggle against the Tsar.


Manjuriidan satar-xantan (manjuriidan saTar-xantan, From Manchuria to Sattar Khan); Sergo Gagoshidzi's Memoirs

These "memoirs" are a transparent fraud from beginning to end, and not worthy of consideration from a historian's point of view. The story is that the author, an artillery officer who saw action in Manchuria, got into a conversation with a peasant conscript who poured his heart out over his hatred of the privileged classes. The author stated his sympathy, and was then subject to a court martial. On returning home to Tbilisi, he decides to commit suicide by jumping off a bridge. He is stopped just in time by a revolutionary who is searching for artillery officers to aid Sattar Khan. He is led to a carpet bazaar which is the center of the Iranian revolutionary committee. After a torturous journey, he reaches Sufian, where he is arrested by the Shah's troops, but manages to bluff his way out by pretending to be a Russian military officer. 53 On reaching Tabriz at night, he was welcomed by Sattar Khan's men, "Khosh galdi, kerdash, khosh geldi, Gurji. Yallah, yatim!" Welcome, brother, welcome Georgian. By God, orphan (!). The town thought that Japanese officers had arrived in Tabriz to help them.

The next day, Sattar Khan sent two priceless white horses, one for him and one for his translator, so that he could ride out and survey the positions and look at the artillery. 54 His task was to use the material in the artillery storehouses left by the Russians in 1877 for Iran for helping Russia during the war with the Ottomans. Sattar Khan asks the author for his professional opinion, and the author is able to convey the difficulty of his task by drawing pictures. 55 With the help of this ammunition, they wreak havoc on the enemy fortifications and seize them so that they were not able to use them to shell the city. Sattar Khan personally thanked him, adding, "Now we can easily drive out the Shah's forces from the east."

Next, we see Sattar Khan and the Georgians in battle against the Shah's forces, who are now charging in from the southeast. Sattar Khan showed miraculous knowledge of the line-up of enemy forces outside the city's walls, gave the order for the Georgians to bomb the wall, and then for his men to fire into the rubble. The result was a horrific massacre of the enemy forces that took several lines to describe. 57 When the author asked the bomb-thrower what explosive material he was using in his bomb to such devastating effect, he said "We got these explosives from the famous revolutionary, Comrade Koba [Stalin]. He sent us all the necessary material and prepared the instruments."

The enemy was paralyzed, but Sattar Khan's forces were ever able to advance and inflict heavy losses, leaping from victory to victory.

Then, one day, Sattar Khan announced to the Georgians that the Russians were arriving to liquidate the revolution and so they should be ready for anything. Soon later, the Georgian compound took a cannonball. Fearing it was the Russians, they scrambled. 58 But, as he reported to Sattar Khan, it turned out it was the Shah's army advancing, 10,000 strong. With three deft shots of the cannon, the enemy was put into disarray, abandoning donkeys and camels. We have no record of the use of camels against the constitutionalist forces. With Sattar Khan taking up the left wing, the author took up the right, with a force of a few hundred, they surrounded the enemy in an hour and a half. Sattar Khan and he were the toast of the town. But he noticed someone in a British military uniform taking photographs of him and Sattar Khan. What a British officer would be doing in the Russian sphere of influence, and why a spy of any kind would wear a military uniform is not explained. 59

This was a decisive victory for the Iranian revolution. The Georgians and Sattar Khan and his staff met and decided that all the Iranian peasants were on their side and that with one good puff, all of Iran would ignite. Preparations were made for an attack on Tehran. It needed two weeks preparation. With 1500 cavalry and 10,000 infantry, they still lacked guns, but figured they could pick up some along the way. The Georgians then led a charge against the enemy forces and threw them into disarray. Couriers from the other side approached them under white flags. Meanwhile, Sattar Khan told them to stop firing. (Evidently this attack had occurred without Sattar Khan's knowledge.) It was the enemy's peasant conscripts saying that the troops wanted to fight alongside Sattar Khan and that his army should target the khans and sardars in their ranks and the people will join him. Sure enough, given the opportunity, the other side approached Sattar Khan's troops, lay down their weapons, and cried, "Long live Sattar Khan! Down with the Shah!"

The revolutionaries then reached Qazvin, where they heard news of the Shah's abdication. He conveyed the good news to Sattar Khan and said he'd like to go home.

Upon arrival, he was arrested and beaten on the evidence of the British military agent's picture. He was only sprung from prison on his brother's intervention.

The contradictions between this story and the actual history are too glaring to dwell on, and we'll pass them over in the silence they so richly merit. The inclusion of this obvious fiction in this anthology reflects very badly on Kelenjaridze's knowledge of Iranian revolutionary history.

Most of the rest of the book is devoted to biographies of the Georgian volunteers, as opposed to memoirs.

65 The next section is devoted to Sergo Orjonikidze. It begins with a list of authors (and, characteristically, not of their writings) on his efforts in the constitutional revolution. These authors include Bor-Romanovski, S. Aliev, G. Arutinian, and G. Chipashvili. It should again be said that it is decent of Kelenjaridze to include Chipashvili, despite their sharp disagreements. That Chipashvili completely refutes the positions taken by the other authors is passed over in silence. He repeats his assertion in his earlier work that Orjonikidze was a significant figure in the constitutional leadership and had "left a major imprint on its development, especially while he was working in Gilan."

There follows a thumbnail sketch of Orjonikidze's life. It should be mentioned that his date of entry into Iran is given as 1909; this is misleading, since he actually arrived in the autumn of that year. It is in the interests of the author's argument to make his date of entry into Iran appear as early as possible.

66 There follow the usual plaudits. In Iran, Orjonikidze was a firm Leninist. He did not betray, but did all his revolutionary activity. He felt bad for the Iranian working people, particularly the peasants, and always brought with him liberating ideas. He formed clubs by which he could spread Marxist-Leninist propaganda, light the darkness for the benighted people, actively participated in local Social-Democratic organizations and the translation of Marxist-Leninist literature (into what language is left unclear!) The Communist Manifesto was translated on his initiative. He participated in the unequal battle against the Shah's regime and the feudals. He maintained ties with Lenin in his exile and sent reports on Iran to his office in Paris. 67 He began the process of getting Marxist-Leninist literature into Iran.

The author then goes on to laud Orjonikidze's literary activities in Iran. Although he does not dwell on it, he repeats Simon Salaridze's dubious testimony mentioned above. The author here dissents from Ch's description of him as a "federalist"; his son said he was an anarcho-communist. He discovered these memoirs while researching his work on sergo Orjonikidze's journalistic activity, and was repeating them because of Ch's caustic remarks.

The author does, however denounce as erroneous the photograph published in the October 15, 1972 issue of Komunisti which supposedly shows Orjonikidze with Sattar Khan, admitting that he had never met Sattar Khan, but worked, so he said, closely with Mo`ezz os-Soltan. Moreover, said picture is from 1918.

Apolon Glakhis dze Japaridze (apolon glaxis Ze japariZe)

Apolon was a Bolshevik since 1905. He was mostly active in Gilan and in the liberation of that province's cities. His nom de guerre was Patari Misha (Little Misha). He was from an impoverished noble family, born 1888. His parents died young and left him without means. He struggled for a crust of bread--he did farm labor, was an apprentice painter, etc. In 1905, he went to Tbilisi, where he was introduced to revolutionary activity. In early 1905, he joined the Social Democrats and their Bolshevik fraction. He had technical responsibilities, distributing illegal materials. He actively participated in armed activities. He carried out eleven terrorist acts in 1907, assassinating gendarmes, police, spies, and provocateurs. He was captured four times and four times he escaped.

The Tbilisi party committee sent him to Iran in 1907 along with other comrades. His tsks were to send bombs, weapons, explosives, and comrades from Baku. He participated actively in the struggle between 1907 and 1909 in Anzali, Rasht, Qazvin, Manjil, and Yuzbash Chai. He was wounded three times in these battles. In 1909-1910, he worked in Rasht under Orjonikidze's leadership.

His main role, according the Kelenjaridze, was to connect the Iranian, the Georgian, and the Azerbaijani revolutionary centers.

As for further biographical information, the author relates that in 1913, he went to Turkey and stayed until 1916. He returned to Russia after the February revolution.

He had several responsible positions after the establishment of Soviet power, and participated in the Great Patriotic War, i.e., the Soviet effort in World War II.

It is regrettable that the author does not cite what source material he is using to document some of his claims, e.g., about his doing his revolutionary work in Iran under Orjonikidze's leadership.

73 Valiko Bakridze "Zhelazni" valiko bakriZe "Jelezni"

Born 1886. From a poor peasant family. He studied in the Kutaisi classical gymnasium. He opposed the Russo-Japanese war and was involved in demonstrations. He was then expelled from school. After that, revolutionary activity was his career. After the Party's second congress, he became a Bolshevik. He answered the Party's appeal to go to Iran. He was then working in Proletarian Baku Like Najaf Ashraf! and went to Iran, to Tabriz via Batum. He was killed fighting Rahim Khan and buried in an Armenian churchyard.

74 Chito Cito

He was from a peasant (what kind?) family, but two generations before, they were princes. He was born in 1881. His father died when he was three weeks old. He moved with his aunt to to Gori and got involved with the revolutionary movement there. He worked among the peasants. Of his revolutionary activities, one episode is given: In 1901, the tax collector came around. He rallied the peasants and told them "Don't give any taxes, the land is yours." The peasants drove the tax collectors out. When the authorities heard about this, they came after him. He went underground. They arrested his brother instead.

In 1907, he went to Tbilisi. he worked in Yarolev's factory as a locksmith. He helped the revolutionaries by making bombs. He attacked the Cossacks one by one. In 1906 or 1907.________. Once more forced underground. But it was getting difficult for him and so he moved to Iran. He fought in the revolutionary ranks until he died. The author had gotten information by talking with his brother's son, who was born after his 75 uncle's death, in 1910, and was named after his uncle. Also, the journal Revolutsiis Matiane #1 (6), 1924. carried an article on Chito by Archid Rukhadze, an old Bolshevik who was the People's Commissar for Georgian Affairs. He knew him from his Tbilisi factory days, in Vakhtianski's factory. He did propaganda. After talking about how they met, Rukhadze recalls that Chito was actively involved in terrorist activities. He writes, In the beginning of 1908, Rukhadze was arrested and sentenced to two years and eight months. Chito came to visit him and ask his opinion of going to Iran. He advised him to go. He went after a few months. I heard nothing from him. I then heard that he had been killed in Iran, a bomb having gone off in his hand.

Also in this magazine, Issue not given. the old Bolshevik Arakela Okruashvili wrote, "When revolution broke out in Iran in 1907 (sic), we sent dynamite and bombs from our (Bolshevik) arsenal via our terrorists." The author mentions Chito in reference as someone who worked in the Yarolev factory and then went and was killed in Iran when a bomb went off in his hand.

76 Kelenjaridze then produces an article from the Georgian legal Social Democratic magazine Ali December 5, 1908. on his funeral. In September 9, 1908, the Shah's troops were attacking the constitutionalist stronghold of Amirkhiz, trying to break down walls and get to the revolutionaries' barricades. Then came the Caucasian fighter Chito with two bombs in his hands, and approached the reactionaries and threw one of them. It exploded with great force and had a decisive effect on the day's outcome. It exploded and the enemy fled back. Then Chito intended to throw the second at the enemy's barricade. Unfortunately, it exploded in his hand and blew up his left side and leg. The revolutionaries took all measures to save him. There follows a graphic description of his wounds which I will spare the reader. He died nearly three weeks later, in September 29. The next day, Sattar Khan designated a commission to arrange for Chito's burial. It was set for October 2 at the Armenian burial ground in Khiaban For "Xaivan". On that day, innumerable people filled the streets waiting for Chito to pass by. Sattar Khan ordered an honor guard of 200 to play martial music and fly military banners.

The procession began at 10 a.m. with red flags and 1000 armed cavalry and 1000 armed infantry led by Karaba'i Hosein For "Usain". It was led off with martial music, there were various party banners and garlands. They marched with their rifle butts in the air. Singers sang the Marseilles and Pokhoroni (a dirge). A crowd of no less than 15,000 watched the procession, men and women. There were many nationalities: German, British, Greek, Armenian, and "Tatar". 77 Armenians and Tatars were there together and embraced and cried out, "What a day have we reached! Up till now, we have looked on each other as enemies, today, however, we are together, hand in hand__________." A mullah spoke in Arabic. This is highly unlikely. He told the people who Chito was. Among other things, he said, "Chito came from the Caucasus to fight along with us. He had no interest in this except to help the oppressed people who are fighting the Shah today. Chito was not of our faith, but for him, Georgian and Tatar are one. How fitting it is that we, too, should treat everyone, all faiths. Chito is unforgettable to us. That is what the mullah said. There were many other speeches. Among them was an Armenian orator who said, "We Armenians and Tatars who had until now been enemies, have been united by this great revolution. It is for this reason that we will never forget Comrade Chito."

The article continues that he was buried in an Armenian churchyard in the outskirts of Khiaban.

Grigol "Gri" Emxvara grigol "gri" emxvara

From a princely family. After his elementary studies, he went to Petersburg, then to Novosibirsk. 78 He betrayed his princely class when he came under the influence of revolutionary ideas and worked for the liberation of the oppressed people. Joined the Social Revolutionaries.

He went to Iran with other Georgians in 1908. He was 21 then, so he must have been born in 1887.

His late sister, Marta, when she was alive, told the author about his compassion for the poor. When he was in Petersburg studying, he was given twelve sets of linen and neat clothes. As we heard, in Petersburg University_____________. His mom asked what happened to his whites. "Don't feel sorry for me, there are many students here who need. I don't and returned (?) them." His mom very much loved her eldest son. His bright memory shines-- in Vladimir Alpenidze's memoirs, Pirveli Gzebi, pikriani gzebi in the section titled "Sattar Khan's Soldier".

Vladimir "Lado" Dumbadze vladimir "lado" dumbaZe

Died in Iran at the age of 24. Born in the 1880s. 79 From the memoirs of his nephew, Platon Giorgis dze Dumbadze, the president of the agricultural commission of a local kolkhoz. According to these memoirs, Lado was of noble stock. He discusses where he studied. In the gymnasium, he got acquainted with revolutionary ideas. He finished the gymnasium. After graduating, he actively joined the resistance. He was pursued by the police and hid in a village. His nephew remembers hiding him from the army in their village's granary. They found some bullets and a gun which he had left behind. He could no longer stay in Gori, and went to Kutaisi, thence to Tbilisi and thence to Baku. Then, as we know, he went to Iran. We were told he was a leader of the revolutionary staff. He was buried in Tabriz. (End of memoir.) 80 Other relatives say he disappeared without a trace after the victory of reaction in 1906 and headed for Iran. The Batum Revolutionary Museum had some material which indicates that he participated in Gori's revolution most actively, sending explosive material produced by the local RSDLP organization leadership. The museum also contained a reconstruction of the secret labs.

The bombs were used in the red detachments' fight against the Tsar's police and army. After the failure of the December 1905 armed rebellion, during the period of reaction and General Alikhanov-Avarski's punitive expeditions, Dumbadze participated in the battle of Surami Pass against him.

What did he do in Iran?

The RSDLP Gori committee decided to send 15 to help the Iranian revolution after the defeat of the 1905-07 revolution. This committee was led by Dumbadze. They went from Gori to Tabriz via Akhaltsi, Akhol Kalaki, erevan, and Julfa. There, they joined Bakridze (Zhelezni)'s forces.

The Shah's furious three day attack led by Rahim Khan on Tabriz ended with a brilliant victory of the Tabrizis. Dumbadze and his forces were there. He was 81 there whenever reaction met revolution. And there he died. He was buried in the Armenian church along with the other Georgian revolutionaries.

Interesting material is found in the memoirs of Levan Aleksandres dze Gamgrelidze, found in the Batum Revolutionary Museum. The author presents an abridged quote:

There was severe repression after the defeat of the 1905 revolution. Alikahanov-Avarski criminally treated the people, burned everything down, and humiliated women. Red Brigades led by Osiko Intskirveli, ten from Gori, forty from Chaiterli. Lado was among the Gurians, whom the Chaitureli workers always recall with praises. After the victory of reaction, the progressive, actual revolutionary activity was in emigration. Just then, the revolution against the Shah in Tabriz was victorious and it took the city. It was led by a committee of ten, including Sattar Khan, Baqer Khan, Seqat ol-Eslam, Mirza Aqa Boluri, Hasan Aqa Pishati, Feshangchi? Hamir-Eshmat, Amir Heshmat? Petros Khan the Armenian, Aghizade, Alizade? Ermili, ?? Ebrahim beg, the Caucasian Jangirov, Jahangirov? Sattarzade; in the Georgian committee, Bakradze and Matiashvili. They needed to make connections with the Caucasian revolutionary committees in Baku and Tbilisi

The first volunteers were ten men sent by the Tbilisi committee to Iran via Qaradagh, led by Bakradze, which joined Sattar Khan. The second was sent from the Gori committee, composed of fifteen men, led by Lado. It went on foot.

The Georgian groups soon made a name for themselves in their fighting technique and courage.

The reactionary khans helped the Shah's forces. Their defeats at the hands of the revolutionaries led to the Shah to thinking about what to do. He got Teimur Khan of Baku to send 2000 Kurds and Azeris against Tabriz. The governor of Marand, Shoja`-e Nezam, For "Soja". sent 1000. Rahim Khan of Qaradagh sent up to 20,000 (!). First, Rahim Khan with his 15,000. Whatever the revolution lacked, it had courage and the Georgian's knowledge and technique. Kelenjaridze adds, in making bombs. In three days of self-sacrificing battle, they defeat Rahim Khan. Rahim Khan himself was killed in this battle (?!) 83 Discusses Lado Dumbadze's force's courage. It was stationed in Mt. Ainal, three km. from Tabriz. Rahim Khan had 10,000 cavalry and 5000 Russian six-shooters, up to 8000 Berdan guns and much ammo. The revolutionaries had up to 8000 fighters and went on the offensive. The Marand khans joined Rahim Khan. The governor of Marand launched the first attack from Sofian's mountains, the military village of Alinja (?). They were armed with machine guns (!) and cannons. In this battle, Valiko Bakradze and Kajai, whom Lado had sent to Tabriz wrapped in a rug by horse, never left the battle field.

On the second day, there was a fearful battle. The revolutionaries captured a cannon, many guns, and bullets. On February 14, 1907, when the victorious revolutionaries ________ awaited the governor's troops and opened fire, in that battle, the revolutionaries remained victorious. The reactionaries retreated with heavy losses.

In that battle were killed two experienced, self-sacrificing Georgians, Lado and Gordeladze. Their bodies were speedily sent to Tabriz. They were buried in the Armenian churchyard. There were many public funerals on that grave site. In 1926, a public funeral was arranged by Tengiz Zhghenti, an old Bolshevik (some kind of secretary to something). Present were Dr. Orakhelashvili, Andro Beburishvili, Aleksandre Chichelashvili, and other Georgians. Tengiz spoke. He remembered Lado and the meeting in which they decided to send 84 volunteers to Iran led by Lado. He eulogized him.

Ivliane Natsvaladze ivliane nacvalaZe

Died in Tabriz. From a poor Gori peasant family. The brave child in his family. He was physically strong. Fearless. He worked in Poti and Batum as a loader as soon as he finished school (fifth grade?). In Batum, he met progressive ideas. He began to be trailed by the police. He was forced to live underground. The Okhrana The Tsarist secret police. harassed his family. And so he went away from there and wandered, no one knows where.

After a while, a letter arrived from Iran, the family was glad. But their joy was short-lived. The mournful news was that he had heroically died in fighting for the Iranian people's revolutionary struggle for freedom. The whole village mourned for him.

He was born in 1885 and died at 23.

varden TikanaZe

He wrote an article on his experiences in Revolutsiis Matianii. No. 1/16 of 1924. Also, the gazette Leninis Drosha. No. 28 (3373) in 1960. He was born in 1884 into a poor peasant family. His father died, and he was raised by his eldest brother. His step sister, who was like him, Elisa Lomanadze, had become acquainted with revolutionary ideas and made a clear impression on Varden. She ran an illegal press and was an agitator and an organizer. He was killed at 32 in 1916. The two raised the red flad in Batum and _____. The other step brother went to work in Batum at 12 or 13, in Kaplan's _______ factory. Varden worked actively in the revolutionary movement. He was a brave terrorist. Unbent in any danger. Always accepted the party's complex and dangerous assignments and brilliantly executed them. More on the repression under Alikhanov-Avarski. 86 Burns down villages. The Gori, Gen. Krilov, was ferocious. Burned down all of Ozurgeti (Makharadze). He sent Gen. Tolmachov ahead, a more ferocious satrap, as forerunner. Under the Cossack officer Eremolov. ________.

The revolutionaries decided to execute him. They sent Varden. He threw a bomb at Ermolov when he got to Batum. The hangman was saved, but Varden was arrested. The Social-Democratic Batum committee freed him on September 27, 1907 from prison while he was awaiting sentencing. He was pursued by the police. He could no longer stay in Georgia. So the committee, with other revolutionaries (Silovan Ivaniadze, Aleksandre Dzebudze, Vladimer Jibladze) were sent to Iran. In 1908, he returned to Batum to send weapons and help forces for the struggle in Iran, and accomplished this and went back (to Iran?). But he was arrested in Baku (on the way to Iran?). For a long time, they could not figure out who he was. They exiled him to Astrakhan and imprisoned there. It so happened that this was where Ermolov was stationed, in Central Asia. He had looted the treasury and so they imprisoned him. So he was imprisoned with Varden. Ermolov soon figured out who Varden was and informed on him. Varden was brought before a military court. His final speech: "I go to be executed. I hope that my comrades continue my revolutionary duty for the toiling people and continue the struggle until the people's final victory." 87 The military tribunal sentenced him to the maximum: the death penalty. He was executed January 15, 1911. And so ended the life of the fearless young revolutionary.

90 Viktor "Piruz" Nasaridze vikTor "firuz" nasariZe

Died in 1951 at 66. Kelenjaridze has his autobiography. He was the son of a poor peasant family. He was born in 1885. His father died while he was young. He worked as a farm hand until 1900. He went to work later as a typesetter. He met several revolutionaries, who are named, working for cnobis purceli. He was exposed there to liberal and revolutionary ideas. He loved learning. He soon entered into illegal work. He published illegal proclamations and posted them on walls and gave them to soldiers in the barracks. 91 Two of his comrades entered the room of their safe house. It was darkened, and spread out some pamphlets: "These lighten this dark room as no bourgeois' room has been lit." They searched the yard to make sure that there were no spies. The second person was Lado Tsetsxoveli, who was treacherously murdered in prison in a way that shocked public opinion. See below.

The press decided to call a strike and demonstration in response to the murder. Viktor agreed to go down a street and go to Liberman's press, but the police stopped it. It was agreed that the demonstrators would go to bring out the workers from the press.

He continued his work in ________ in 1904. He organized a strike. He organized secret workers cells and raised their consciousness. In August 1905, the autocracy shot this circle up. Nasaridze was wounded. He used to go about with long hair. (Marxists usd to wear unruly hair, black______.) I.e., he didn't dress like a Marxist. ___________ He could not find work. 92 He became a full-time enemy of the regime, actively worked to end that Okhrana's provocation, the Armenian-Tatar bloodshed. The government passed out guns to the workers in the hopes of furthering this provocation. The workers took the guns, but did not return them (?) ________.

He was skilled in making grenades, and darkened the sun for many hooligans, provocateurs, and spies.

He participated in every workers protest demonstration. He went from Tbilisi to Baku and back.

In Feburary 1907, he was arrested with some comrades and imprisoned. In January 1908, he was exiled. He escaped and got to Baku. He was sent to Iran with Bakradze, Bumbadze, Lortkipanidze, Gachechiladze, and so on, the Baku party committee's group. He was among the 26 sent to Iran. They brought valuable weapons, bombs, and actively helped Sattar Khan. He knew that Emxvara and Chito had been killed there, Samkharidze died of cholera and smallpox killed Gachechiladze. Also Bakridze, Dumbadze, and Svanidze. 93 The Caucasian revolutionaries left Iran because of Snarsky's entry into Iranian Azerbaijan, among them Nasaridze. All chose the restless revolutionary life. All went to Tbilisi. But Nasaridze could not hide himself. He went to Racha (?). In 1912, he returned to Tbilisi. He was captured and exiled to Rostov on the Don. He worked as a printer after Soviet power was established. With the arrival of the Red Army, he met Orjonikidze, his old comrade. He ______ work. He worked for a while in the North Caucasus, then returned to Georgia. He was president of ____________, of a collective village, coop, etc. He died in 1951.

Gigo Matiashvili "Puxlia" gigo maTiaSvili "puxlia"

His picture shows his childish chubby face. What a kind, inoffensive, delicate face. He was a loving husband, a caring father, etc., and to his friends and comrades.

94 The hideous Tsarist absolutism, in the struggle against the throne, this son of poor peasants__________.

He was that man. All his conscious life, from 13 years, he worked for class liberation and died in a penal colony at 24 years of tuberculosis, unable to remove the iron shackles from his hands. His revolutionary life is discussed in axalgazrda komunisti June 1963 and vecerni Tbilisi. April 24, 1969, No. 27.

It was found out during a 1967 motorsport seminar that in that fortress had been imprisoned such a personality, so I searched through the Oriol and Tbilisi archives and found information. In this material, there was information about revolutionary deeds. In one, there is reference to his participation in the Iranian revolution.

He was born in 1882. He was a water worker. At 13, he met the revolutionary movement. During the 1905 revolution, he became fully connected with the Bolsheviks. He worked with the legendary Kemos. He carried out expropriations and other revolutionary acts. He was wounded in 1913, tried in 1914. They decided to sentence him to at least 20 years in a penal colony. Gigo went to the Oriol penal colony in prison. Kamo stayed in the penal colony Gigo died of tuberculosis in prison. In prison, they allowed them to take off his leg-shackles. Then hand-manacles were 95 kept on, and so was he buried.

What was his crime?

In January 10, 1913, at night, Kama and Gigo were arrested along with 18 others and imprisoned. They discovered the secret building from which bombs were sent to various places. They found that Matiashvili was Kamo's adherent and his "designee." They had carried out expropriations, made arms and explosive materials. They were stirring the people to revolution. Etc.

One of his crimes was to send weapons to the Iranian revolution and being one of the leaders of the aid to Tabriz. He was in Iran in 1908-1909 and fought. He actively participated in the Rasht, Qazvin, and, ultimately, freeing Tabriz from the Shah's army's blockade in a decisive battle. They called him giJi gigo (Crazy Gigo). He was unusual in his bomb-throwing and his courage. It was reported by a participant, Bogdanov-Mariashvili that he had left his lover Sona in his village. His one source of happiness was to be in the group of Gurjis and fight for the Iranian people's liberty. He showed mad courage in the fighting. This is also mentioned by Gurji Sergo in his History. 96 He escaped to Turkey from Iran. He brought Kamo to Constantinople there and help him carry out many dangerous tasks.

Vladimir Navorzashvili, in his works, quotes Kamo's memoirs: There, I saw that we must visit Comrade Gigo, who'd come from Iran. I knew him as a special Bolshevik. Rumor came to Iran (?) of his brilliant courage. I went to him made plans for activities. He gladly agreed. We decided to go to the Caucasus. He brilliantly fulfilled all of several duties. We sent him to Trapizon, our transportation waiting place. Then went to Batum. He then returned, apparently after he married, to continue the revolutionary struggle. In September 24, 1912, he participated in an attack on a post to get money. (They were unable to put this into operation; it involved 5000 rubles.) In January 10, 1913, he joined with Kamos. As we said, he was arrested in Tbilisi and died of tuberculosis on May 13, 1913.

Such was the revolutionary romantic in love with the struggle. The inflexible Bolshevik Gigo. Vladimir Nawrozashvili in his own time met (?) ____________ asked about him. A monument to him should be made.

Lazare Gachechelaze lazare gaCeCelaZe

The author long searched for information about him. He only knew that he died of smallpox. The author wrote in komunisT, December 24, 1971. about him ("vaJkacuri guli"). Five days after this was published, d. p. gaCeCelaZe's letter came to the editor. The letter's author had known him. He was from the poorest peasant family. He was orphaned young,________. This was the situation when the 1905 revolution broke out. Revolutionary groups rose up. They carried his relatives out in a coffin (?).

He was nine to ten and remembers it like a dream. He suggested that he could get more information from Professor simon giorgis Ze gaCeCelaZe 98 He was a professor of philology. He confirmed Lazare's revolutionary activities, but in general. He was small in those days. He recalled very little. Then he visited his mother, a pensioned pedagogue. She recalled that the village had been known for its progressiveness and for being intellectual. There were many revolutionary squads there. Lazare participated in them. The market opened from the beginning of July to the beginning of August. Merchants and craftsmen gathered from all over Georgia. Lazare et al. would go to distribute proclamations. There were also dangerous operations, such as robberies and fighting with Cossacks and police.

With the rise of reaction, the military governor covered the whole region with spies. 99 Lazare is denounced by a spy and was supposed to be killed on the way, but they were scared of being assassinated in revenge, and so he was tried and sent to a penal colony. Lazare escaped to Baku. He did illegal work. In August 1908, he went to Iran, to Tabriz, along with thirty others, and died there.

Comrade Kupatadze's memoirs on this mention the following about him:

With Alikhanov's persecution, there was a provocateur who robbed in the name of the revolution, claiming it was the Merkviladze and Gachechiladze group in order to ruin their reputation. The revolutionaries prepared everything to foil this provocation. One day, they found out that the bandits were preparing to attack two villages in their name. Grisha quickly prepared his squad. They arrested the criminals. It was a group of four bandits. 100 The next day, a people's tribunal was convened. It called for the death penalty. But Grigsha's father would not allow it. They untied their hands, had them kneel, whipped them, and put a sign on them saying, "We are bandits and not red partisans." Grisha was found out by a spy and killed by the police in the spring of 1907. This spy was in turn killed. The military governor was dispatched in 1912.

Kolia Lortkipanidze kolia lortkipaniZe

He was a very colorful figure. He was wholly devoted. He lost his self in the people's daily life. He was not from the common social class, but from the privileged, the aristocracy. Is this 101 is a small matter in the history of revolutionary struggles, that a member of the privileged class gives up his privileges and struggles for the toilers' interests? Many such came from the privileged classes of his day: Kolia Lortkipanidze, who struggled all his conscious life for the toiling people's liberation, with beautiful courage. In all of Georgia, there were few revolutionary acts in which he did not participate. He spread revolutionary ideas among the people, did expropriations, carried out armed revolts, etc. In Kutaisi, he was especially well known. Among his deeds was his work for Iran. He fought under Aprasion Merkviladze. He was captured by the gendarmerie and tried with five comrades. He was sentenced to death. He met death with firmness and fearlessness, revolutionary valor. Addressing the executing soldiers, he said, "Cowardice is not a fit way for a revolutionary to meet death, and so we fight the foe. We are not bandits, as they told you. We struggle for the people's wellbeing and a better life for you peasants. We want to overthrow the people's oppressor, the Tsar's throne. Soon, the flag of freedom will spread over all of Russia." 102 This speech agitated the soldiers. The administration feared that the soldiers would not obey. Kolia broke the silence and addressed the gendarme officer: "Lofty sir, I say that when we emerge victorious, we will not say ___________ in a loud voice. (?)" This was November 15, 1911.

Kolia was a romantic lover of the revolution, wrote poems, a man of letters.

November 15, 1912, his prison journal, The Prison's Echo, was published. It was filled with his poems and letters.

Presents another anecdote._________________

103 Mixael Aleksandres dze Bogdanov-Mariashkin mixael aleksandres Ze bogdanov-mariaSkin

He was a Social Revolutionary who fought in their ranks. He went to Iran when the revolution was defeated, between 1907 and 1908. He went with the Social Democrats, particularly with Emxvari, who was killed in Tabriz. After the Russian revolution, with the defeat of the Social Revolutionaries, he participated in the Soviet government and cut off ties with the SRs in 1918.

The author visited him. He had 70 pages of memoirs. Despite his sufferings and difficulties, he was a smiling, sympathetic old man. He was so glad to go back and see his native Georgia. He spoke Georgian sprinkled with Russian. He knew lots about Georgia from that period. In particular, about Iran, especially his comrade Apolon Japaridze. He wanted very much to know who was still well. He wanted to see Georgia before he died. He died before this could be done.

104 He was born in 1889 in Tbilisi into a Jewish family of tailors and embroiderers. Mixael went to work at 11 as an engraver. He ran away in 1903 due to the boss's severity. He went to Kutaisi. As an engraver. He earned 50 kopeks a week and was spoken to rudely. So the workers struck. Their "political" demands were: "Don't scold!" "Don't beat!" "Treat us politely!" In a week, these demands were satisfied. The working day was shortened. He grew up under the December 1905 revolution. He participated in the 1904 Kutaisi demonstration for freedom which was broken up by Cossacks. He used his skills as an engraver to forge documents. There were Social Revolutionaries, Social Democrats, and Anarchists. He was attracted to the Social Revolutionaries due their terrorism. 105 He returned to Tbilisi, where he actively pursued revolutionary work. During the 1905 general strike, he actively participated in the strike committee. He went to New York City in 1906. He lived in the Young Socialist Union. He then saw the slogan, "Shame on Russian youth who abandoned the revolution's barricades!" and returned with fellow-immigrants. He participated in the 1907 Kharkov demonstrations. He was arrested and sent to Siberia. He escaped in 1908 and went to Tbilisi. After a short while, the Party sent him to Iran. He returned and did illegal work. He participated in the 1915 engravers strike in Moscow. It won, but the Okhrana pursued him. He hid in various places until the February Revolution. He was elected as a peasants and soldiers deputy to the Soviet presidium. 106 He was president of the strike committee during the great weavers' strike. Their slogan was, "Down with the Provisional Government!" It included up to 3000 people. He participated in the October armed uprising against the Provisional Government in Moscow. After the October Revolution, he was a representative in the Soviet presidium in Moscow for the Left Social Revolutionaries. _____________________________. He cut off all ties with the Social Revolutionaries in 1918 and announced this in a Vladikafkaz gazette.

Yakob Besarionis dze Metraveli iakob besarionis Ze metreveli

He was born in 1881 and died in 1910. He was a thoughtful _____ youth with ____ hair, the product of a Gori bureaucrat's family. He gave up his career for the revolution. Such a thinking person has an ardent heart in his chest. This Yakob, dressed as an officer [chinovnik], his heart beat in his chest for the people's welfare. And so he abandoned his career, to liberated the people from the Tsar's tyranny, gave up a beautiful life, and _________ his name.107

He was not a product of the proletariat, nor _________. His father had tried to bring enlightenment to the people. He sent him to a seminary, after that, to study as a bookkeeper. He never worked in Tbilisi's courts. He reacted to the injustice around him. And so he dedicated his life to fighting injustice. Gori had an old Narodnik tradition. Many youths were seized by it. Yakob fell under this influence, and at 20-22, in 1903, joined the revolutionary movement. He stole 30 passports from the bureaucracy and entered revolutionary work. He also participated in terrorist acts. He assassinated the highest official who confirmed brutal restrictions on the peasants in Gori. He tried to execute a village headman for extortion. He failed in this because he was caught by a provocateur. He was arrested and sent to Siberia. He escaped. He went to Tbilisi. He was arrested in the Fall of 1908. He was sentenced to exile. Ultimately, in January 1909, ____________. In Alexandropol, he found we was being pursued (?) by Alikhnov himself. 108 He fled to Iran, participated in the revolutionary struggle. He was killed there. A photo sent from Iran carried the news of his death. The photo, unfortunately, has been lost. He had fought in Tabriz.

Sergo Gamdlishvili sergo gamdliSvili

The author admits that he was called Sergo Gurji [sergo gorgi]. He participated with Japaridze and was mentioned as such by him. He continues, When we began our study, we did not know who Sergo Gurji was. Then Japaridze, who was a dear friend, told us, matching some nicknames with the real names.

After my November 17, 1963, article [in Komunisti], "Sergo Orjonikidze--Journalist" was published, I received an answer by the late Yason Gamdlishvili, who declared that this Sergo Gurji was his brother and that the author of the History was him, since he participated somewhat in the press. This contradicts the assertion that he had in writing from Yason that--. See above. As we have pointed out, despite our great studious research, we have not been able to confirm this, or to determine who the author was.

He was born February 15, 1882. He studied in Gori. Then in __ school. He was drafted and fought in the Russo-Japanese war. He was then introduced to the ideas of the freedom struggle. He returned from the army and went to Moscow. He participated in the December 1905 demonstrations and the armed revolutionary uprising. When he returned [to Tbilisi?], he joined the fight against the autocracy. Cossacks attacked him. He was forced to leave his village. He came to Tbilisi and worked in the post office. But he was kept from work by the Black Hundreds element. He went to Baku and worked there in the post office. He actively participated in the revolutionary movement. He was arrested in1908 and exiled for two years to Olonets. But he soon escaped and returned to Baku. Then he went to Iran with a revolutionary group. When the Tsar's army went to Tabriz in 1909, along with the other revolutionaries, he wanted to go to Europe and study. He was arrested, tried in Ekaterinograd, and executed.

The famous katorgaist Tedo Shavishvili, said in his book, repis katorga writes on this theme about the military field trial of Giorgi Zaridze (giorgi zariZe) and his comrade, Sergo Gamdlishvili (sergo gamdliSvili), Sergo Kajarovi (sedre qajarovi), and Armen Aramiants (armen aramianc). They were convicted on March 8, 1910, of stealing 22,000 rubles. The sentence was executed November 24, 1911. Before the gallows, one saw how he resisted the executioner.

110 Bogdanov-Mariashkin on Sergo Gurji: He got to know him after the seizure of Rasht. He was a correspondent for several gazettes. He joined their Gurji group. He was a post-telegraph employee. He was boastful, and so nicknamed. He was likeable, and interested in everything, cheerful. He was not a slacker in battle. He had great love for his homeland, Georgia and its people. He was in love with its beautiful nature, craftwork, literature, poetry, and hospitality. Once, he told me that after much effort, he would see two Georgian villages in Tehran and their peasants whose ancestors, he said, had risen up against their chiefs and landlords. Their rebellion was repressed and they were exiled to Iran. The Shah would accept them if they would accept Islam. Although they accepted Islam, they did not forget their mother tongue. I still remember this. Sergo was then tragically killed. He was executed in 1911.

Misha Dzagania miSa Zagania

I knew him personally when he worked in the cooperative. He was a __________ manager. 111 I got to know him when I was reporting on Georgian cooperatives. He was an Old Bolshevik and did his revolutionary duty well. After the establishment of Soviet power, he worked in the cooperatives. He was a good, hardworking man. And so he remains in my memory. If only I knew forty years later, I would write about his participation in the Iranian revolution, but he did not tell me anything about the revolution. Now that I have access to Mixael's autobiographical facts, I now know about this modest, agreeable, unprotesting fighter Bolshevik.

He was born in 1890. From 1905, he was a Bolshevik. His father had fled Megrelia to Tbilisi to escape serfdom, and was a gardener by profession. He worked there as a gardener, too. He was expelled from high school for raising doubts about religion, about the Virgin Mary's virginity. After much begging, he was readmitted and graduated at 11 in 1901. But there were to be no more studies, they were turning him into an infidel, according to his parents. He very much wanted to study, but could not without support, according to himself. He was forced to begin working. He was servant to a merchant in Georgia. His brother worked for the same. They became enamored of revolutionary ideas. 112 He got involved with various secret activities, such as distributing proclamations. He attached a statement on the church bell tower that Mary was not a virgin, but Joseph the carpenter's wife. He participated in the 1905 strike movement. From economic demands--fewer hours, higher wages. The big October strike. After the defeat of the revolution, he joined a red detachment with Davaxetka, who drilled it. During the period of reaction, he carried out some terrorist acts against police agents and spies/provocateurs. Two detachments were sent, one to Tabriz, the other to Rasht. The Rasht group was led by Vano Karapetov. This wasMiasha's group. On the Iranian revolution, he writes: "I participated in the seizure of Rasht, then in the liberation of Qazvin, which went on for a day and a night, and ended in the Shah's forces' defeat. After Qazvin, it was on to Tehran. The Russian army entered Iran in 1909 supposedly to protect Russian subjects. In fact, it was to help the Shah. And so the Georgian groups left and returned. Sergo Gurji's group left for Tbilisi, where the police went looking for him. He resumed revolutionary work on his return. He was wounded and imprisoned. Four weeks after, he returned (?) to Tbilisi. He was restricted in his movements to Tbilisi. 113 He got some kind of medical waiver to stay in Baku.______ He worked in the oil industry and lived in a village. He agitated the peasants. He knew Persian Probably Turkish. well, and so had no trouble working with the locals. He convinced them that the capitalists would not give them land. The agitation worked. (?) To dig, but not being given the means to drill. (?) They were not paid enough to sow. (?) The agitation led to the cavalry being called but the peasants were armed and drove them back. And so an agreement was reached with the peasants.

He participated in the 1914 Balakhan strike, which ended in victory.

In August, he was accused of participating in a terrorist act. He sat in jail for four months. His guilt was not confirmed. He stayed (?) and worked in the oil industry until the February Revolution. After the revolution, he joined the Bolsheviks. He participated in a great strike led by Aliosha Japaridze. The Mensheviks disrupted it. The workers won anyway. He went to Tbilisi in November and worked with the Party with all his being. He agitated the soldiers returning from the front. ____________

114 He participated in the Party's first conference's work. He worked on Komunist In Russian. He worked as a Bolshevik agitator during the 1920 war with the Mensheviks. He worked in the Tbilisi Committee's Party Organization after the establishment of Soviet power and the victualing commissariat and workers' cooperatives. He attended the International Cooperative Alliance movement in Brussels. He toured Europe and returned.

From 1921-1930, he did cooperative work. Then, he was the president of ________. Etc., etc.

He was 18 when he went to Iran, a well-read youth. He loved Marxist and philosphical literature. He was serious. This, according to Bogdanov.

Vano "Davixetka" Varapeovi vano "davaxeTqa" varapeovi

The author knew him personally. He worked in (some Party post) for thirty years. He knew he was an Old Bolshevik. He was a fearless, sincere militant of the revolution. Not just one terrorist deed did he commit. Not a few of the people's enemies, spies, provocateurs, and police did he strike down. He was called "Davixetka" for this. Why?

The author got information from revoluciuri moZraobis moRvaweni saqarTvelo.

He was born in 1883 into a craftsmen's family. He began his toil in ______. He worked at a number of crafts. In 1900, he joined the revolutionary movement. He spread revolutionary proclamations, participated in Tbilisi's strikes and demonstrations. In 1909 (!), he was sent (? someplace) to work. He organized a group which organized craftsmen's demonstrations. He was arrested for the first time.

In 1904, he did his military service. He was connected with the Party military organization. He led the Party's military work. In January 9, 1905, he returned to Tbilisi. He was soon sent to Chiatura. Some other Party organization propaganda work. Strikes and demonstrations. The December 1905 armed uprising. In January 1906, he headed up military squads. At first, he was with the Mensheviks. Then, in 1906, he joined the Bolsheviks. In 1908, he was sent by to Iran the Tbilisi Social-Democratic organization. He worked with labs, sent explosives, led fighting and unwaveringly fought the Shah's and the landlords' forces.

In 1909, he returned to Tbilis and was elected a member of the Tbilisi RSDLP committee. 116 In 1910, he was arrested and condemned to a penal colony by a field trial. He served until the February Revolution.

In 1917, he was elected president of _________. He actively fought the Menshevik government. he was an organizer of the Red Guards. In February 1918, he was an organizer of the uprising and the Mensheviks arrested him. In June 1918, the Military Committee sent him to Vladekafkaz, where he led a military group in the fight against the White Guards. In 1919, he returned to Georgia, but soon the Mensheviks arrested him. In 1920, he was freed, and exiled to Vladekafkaz. In February 25, 1921, he returned to Tbilisi with the Red army. Etc., etc. He died in 1943.

Victor Madlakeledze viqTor maRlakeleZe

Davit, his son, responded to the author's request for information. He was born in 1882 into a poor peasant family. From 1899 to 1903, he worked in the mines. 117 There, he became acquainted with the revolutionary movement led by Father Stalin. _____________

In 1903, Viktor went to the army.

In 1907, he was released from the army. He went to Baku, when 30 Iranians were sent to Iran in groups of ten. He smuggled guns, bombs, and bullets. He went to Shusha. From there, he was to go to Iran. After they had passed over the border, they were to regroup and continue to Tabriz. He stayed there for six months and participated in the struggle. He met Sattar Khan himself, with whom they went into the struggle. (?) They used their bombs in a counter attack. Viktor told his son that the Georgians attacked, but the son didn't know whom. The Georgians and Sattar Khan took that village. The armies one by one got to the village and they threw their bombs. The Iranians cried, "The Gurjis are coming and are bringing thunder!" Gradually, the attack (?) petered out. "And so we prevailed over our enemies." The inhabitants treated the Georgianfighters with great respect. Viktor also participated in the liberation of Tehran.

Viktor went back into the army in 1914 and fought until 1917. He returned in 1917. He participated in the establishment of Soviet power.

He died at 75 in 1957.

118 Davit Japaridze daviT japariZe

The author has his memoirs. They confirm much of Viktor's information. He participated in the same group of 30. He presents an abridged quotation. He was active along with his brother, Aleksandre, and sister, Nino, who lived in Baku. Along with his cousin, Aliosha, he lived with Stalin for a few months with his wife and kids. Led by Stalin and Aliosha, he formed a secret club which included Stalin, Pakia (Aliosha), and Budu Mdivani, Mixa Tsxakaia, Stepan Shawmian, Sergo Orjonikidze, Giorgi Elisabeashvili, Pavle (Davit's son) Savarelidze, Giorgi Giorgobieni, Ivane Piolotov, etc. He acccomplished various secret missions. Nino and he were the Baku committee's treasurers. Money, literature, bombs, and other weapons were stored in the house.

On August 1908, he was assigned to go to Iran and to fight along with Sattar Khan. Thirty men were sent from Baku, including Dumbadze, Bakradze, two bombers--Lazere Gachachiladze and Viktor (Piruza) Nasaridze--, Davit Mxeidze, Tsverava Meunargia, himself, etc. They went in groups of ten. They went with Gachechiladze, Nasaridze, Mxeidze, Tsverava, Meunargia, Kolia, a Georgian called "Terrorist".

119 They packed a case full of bombs and Mausers. At the Baku station, they got train tickets. They had an Iranian guide. They left early in the morning and reached Shusha at night. They found themselves besieged in the morning. It seems that the owner (?) betrayed (?) them, in the morning, they found themselves besieged.

They carried their arms to a neighboring building. Four, however (Tsverava, Mxeidze, Kolia, and "Terrorist") were captured. At night, the police surrounded the whole city ___________.

He continues, I and two comrades ran into our Iranian guide, who cut their beards in the Iranian style and took us out of the city. Also, three of the comrades who escaped capture were led out. A second group was sent from Baku and joined us. When the third group joined and learned that four had been arrested, we decided to attack the prison and free them. This does not appear in the previous account given above, and seems to be wishful thinking. But out of fear of the police, our host opposed this. He promised to get them freed himself in three days. On the third day, they were all released but Mxeidze and Kolia, who _____________. The rest went to Iran with our guide, stopping by night on the way to Tabriz (?). The third night, we forded the river Aras by foot and continued along the byways. The next night, we stopped in an Iranian village to get our bearings (?). We found ourselves surrounded with guns pointing at us from all sides. Our group's chief called out, "Bomb throwers, forward!" When they saw this, they lay down their arms and fled. (!) We continued our way along the river's ravine.

120 A few days later, we came to a village one day's journey from Tabriz. We stopped there for a day. On the second day came fifty men sent by Sattar Khan, leading horses. Sattar Khan had ordered them to lead us unobstructed to Tabriz.

At midnight, we approached Tabriz. I, Gachechiladze, Nasaridze, and Meunargia guided the lost of the squad. The horses suddenly galloped forward and their eyes were covered. (?) We continued where danger awaited and we scattered our horses (?), but we were not able to see ahead in the darkness, and we fell into a ditch, scattering bombs and other loads, and the horses escaped, and the whole night _____ the Shah's post. The Shah's frightened troops fired every so often, and so we were able to ascertain their positions. At dawn, we were able to find one of Sattar Khan's camps's forces, and they told us they were our comrades.

Sattar Khan, it seems, had sent 150 to search for us. As soon as he found we had arrived, he personally invited us to breakfast, apologized that there was little bread and that it was of such bad quality. This was because of the blockade by the Shah's troops. Sattar Khan wanted to liberate the nearby villages, which he did the third day. The Shah's troops were forced to stop surrounding Tabriz and retreat twenty to twenty five km. When they found that Sattar Khan had "Gurji bomb throwers" [in Turkish: Georgians come, bombs throw], they abandoned their positions and ran away.

Bakridze, Tsverava, and Gachechiladze died in the fighting in Tabriz. After Tabriz and the neighboring villages were taken by Sattar Khan's troops in 1909, we returned to Georgia, wounded and infected with fever.

Nikoloz "Kolia" Tetiutski nikoloz "kolia" TeTiuTski

This is Kolia Tetiutski, whom Mikhael Bogdanov-Mariashkin knew. We have gotten his biographical facts from revoluciuri moZraobis moRvaweni saqarTvelo. 121 He is from Tbilisi, from a servant's (?) family. He was at the top of his class in the gymnasium. (?) He joined the revolutionary movement from the gymnasium. He joined the Social Democratic Party in 1902. He worked in Baku, Batum, Poti, and other Caucasian cities.

In 1905, he joined a military squad and participated in demonstrations. He was expelled from the gymnasium. After that, he devoted himself to Party work full-time. He barricaded his house and it became an arms warehouse. He personally participated in sending bombs. He was sent even to Finland for this. (?) In September 1907, his house was raided for arms and illegal literature. He was not arrested. He hid and lived underground. He was sent on Party work to Poti. He later lived in Moscow and Petersburg.

In the Spring of 1908, he returned to Tbilisi and was active in Party work, being a member of the Party's Iran aid committee. He actively participated in one group, joining in the struggle there against reaction.

His whole family served: His mother, Yulia Boleslav's daughter, brought weapons and illegal literature, his sisters, __________, did something else, and worked in illegal literature and letters. His eldest sister, Elene, worked in the post and telegram office. She was a member of the provincial strike committee during the December 1905 strikes. He himself returned to Tbilisi and led the technical work in the underground press. He was a member of the Tbilisi committee of the RSDLP. In June 1910, the police tracked him down and, in the course of searching him, found the Party's 122 illegal literature. In 1910, a military court sentenced him to nine years in a penal colony. He got tuberculosis there. In 1915, he was transferred to Urkutsk. He did active Party work there, working in the illegal press. After the February revolution, he returned to Tbilisi and was active in Party work. In 1918, he was on the Communist Party's Caucasian military committee. He was sent to Vladeqafqaz. He was president of the City Soviet Workers and Soldiers Deputies. After that, he was a people's commissar.


Leila Gulchina was a noble woman of the Lortkipanidze family. she was known as Gulo. She was born in 1881. She was bold, valiant, imposing. She could hid a revolver in her hair. In 190506, she worked in Megrelia with Davit Asatian, Vladimir Demurias, and Isaki Chochias (the famous Georigan poet Sashah Abasheli). She went via Batum, being sent by the Batum Committee. She was sent to Siberia. She rturned from exile in 1918 and died. She was an enlighted woman, wrote poetry.

sergo gagaSiZe

He was an artillerist in the Tsar's army. There is no need to say more. (?) His memoirs were published earlier. On his return, he worked in oil from 1908-1914. He led the oil drillers.

In 1914-26, he reentered the army. In 1926-38, he did prospective. (?) He had a very inquisitive mind. He was pensioned in 1938. He died at a ripe old age in 1968.

His four sons and one daughter were great Leninist Communist party people.

Details on the kids.

"patar daviko" daviT simonis Ze kilaZe

In Gurgi Sergo's work, he is mentioned. He was a great Communist Party and Soviet man. His biography is in the Party archives.

He was in the Poti Bolshevik Committee. In February 1906, it sent him to Baku. Soon after, he was elected to the raion's military staff. He also participated in the gazette kaspi. That year, he went to work as a porter in the Baku docks and was a leader of the strike there; it won. In the meantime, he and his comrades sent bombs for the Iranian revolution.

In response to a letter of ours published in the January 19, 1966 Komunist, Davit's son, who works in the Kutaisi city committee people's control's city committee, K. Kiladze, wrote to us that his father had personally told him that in 1906-07, he, along with other members of his squad, carried bombs and firearms for the Iranian revolution and personally met Sattar Khan. The dates here seem off to me. Sattar Khan didn't make his presence felt as a military leader until mid-1908. 125 He was well-proportioned but short. He was interested in many things and ____________.

He was born in 1885. At seventeen or eighteen, he was introduced to revolutionary ideas. All his life was devoted to the toiling people. After finishing school, as a poor person, he was apprentice to someone who sewed clothes for aristocrats (?). An inquisitive youth, he loved very much to read. He went to Poti in 1903 and began working in the press. He was a powerful Bolshevik organizer there. He left work at the press and began working in the docks (?).

In 1904, he fulfilled his missions and was convinced that because of him (?), the Party grew well.

In 1905, at 20, he formed a Bolshevik cell and, until his death, chose Lenin's ideas sincerely. During the 1905 revolution, he carried armed struggle to victory.

The Poti Bolshevik party leadership sent him to Sochi, with a revolutionary group of 60 armed men to help the revolutionary movement there. He was overcome, and was never able to reach (?) Sochi, and came to Novorosisk, where, along with the cement factory workers, he turned back the armed city police to aid the Sochi revolutionary workers.

After the defeat of the revolution, he eluded capture by the Tsar's administration. Ultimately, in 1906, the Poti committee sent him to Baku to work. I already spoke of his work there.

In August 1907, he wa sent to Ekaterinburg and brought several puds of press ink for the Kuba Committee. He fulfilled this mission brilliantly (?) and participated in a terrorist act against a policeman in Vladimer Abashidze's name. (?) He was arrested, tried, and sentenced to six months in prison. After being released from prison, he 126 stayed in the village, then returned to Poti. Then he participated in an armed revolt, was rearrested, sentenced to four years in a penal colony, and then to Siberia.

He was freed during the February Revolution, went to Baku, and there fought to defend the city against counter revolution in the air force (?). In 1918-21, he was elected to the Party committee presidency. After the establishment of Soviet power there, etc., had various leadership posts. He died at 52.

Petre Artemis dze Orkorganeli (Martirosovi) peTre arTemis Ze orkorganeli (marTirosovi)

Apolon Japaridze mentions Okroganeli in his memoirs. His nicknames were Vaxani (vaxani) and Okroqnis Deptuati (okroyanis depuTaTi).

The author got a response to his article in Komunist from his daughter, Eteri, the famous football ______, who brought his father's autobiography and picture, which Apolon Japaridze _________.

Petre writes that he was born in 1880 into a peasant family. His father was a coal burner. In Tbilisi, he brought coal. Petre as a child went from yard to yard _________. At ten, he was a servant in Tbilisi's caravanserai,where he worked until he was sixteen. He joined the revolutionary movement and participated in it, formed underground cells, clubs, 127 and distributed illegal brochures and proclamations. He fulfilled them (?) at the indication of Minas Melikov, who led the underground revolutionary work in the caravanserai.

In 1903, Petre entered the army until 1906. He formed secret cells there, too, and distributed revolutionary literature. The polka in which he served was stationed in Yerevan. The cell would meet two km outside the city. Almost the entire company helped. The cell was arrested, tried, and flogged with 25 stripes for each member. He was dismissed from the service (?) and they were no longer allowed to bear arms or serve as sentries. He was dismissed from the army in 1905. I thought he served in the army until 1906.

Petre returned to Tbilisi and continued his revolutionary work. He taught rifle practice in a secret club which he had organized. Because of a provocateur, the entire club was arrested and sent to prison. After torture, he was released, but not allowed to stay in Tbilisi. So each hid in another place.

In December 1908, the Party's Tbilisi Committee sent a group to Iran. Petre went with it. He made bombs and brought them to Rasht.

After returning to Iran from Tbilisi, he was inducted into the army. He continued his underground revolutionary work there up to the February revolution. Then he entered the municipal service, worked on the railroads, in an invalid's artle, etc. He died in 1952 at 62.

Bogdanov describes him as follows: "Vaxan-Petre was witty, merry, devoted, sang Georgian songs, and was a rare sort. He always had an encouraging word for the comrades in the Matex Prison. 128 In Georgia and in Iran, good Petre was felt by all to be a kind comrade, an agreeable man--."

Once, in 1907, the police wanted to arrest him. They brought him to a cellar. But he soon escaped. Although he escaped, he could no longer be in that building. _______. Instead of going into the street, he hid (?) in the pristov's [officer's] kitchen. They thought he had escaped. Then he heard the sound of footsteps. Petre opened the latch (?) himself. The pristov entered the kitchen and when he saw someone was there, he got frightened and reached for (?) his revolver. But he was unable to fire it, nor _________ and began to scream. _______ and Petre _____________.

Once in Tbilisi, because the political prisoners were carrying out an obstructsia, the warden entered the prison accompanied by his guard and entered the room in which Petre was seated. He greeted Petre. Petre did not respond. Nor did he answer the governor's question. He laughed and called the prison warden a thief. _________________. __________.

Clever, fundamentally a Leninist.

Aleksandre "Sandro" Chrdileli aleksandre "sandro" Crdileli

He was an old revolutionary and had various pseudonyms. He was a locksmith, a railroad worker in a depot. 129 After the revolution, (?) he worked in the central post office. He died in 1955. When this information reached us, we confirmed that he had participated in the Iranian revolution. We asked his son, Dimitris, who related to me some episodes in his participation.

According to his family, he left by night over the Aras by raft (?). The border guards fired at them, but they were able to get the entire group over the river safely.

According to his memoirs, Note that there has so far been no mention of his memoirs. The following story more than smacks of the fantastic. in addition to directly participating in the revolution, he did other things to help the locals' peace. Once, some local shepherds came to his squad and told him some robbers had taken their sheep and they asked for help. The squad sent fifteen cavalry, including Aleksandre, and pursued the robbers. The thieves had been sent by the Shah's men as reconnaissance to __________ the revolutionary group. They wanted ________ the Shah's troops and exterminate them. In fact, the revolutionaries were a small group ____________ approached the protected enemy, it bombarded them with bullets and several revolutionaries fell lifeless, the remainder dismounting and taking cover behind stores and beginning to repel the foe, but because they were surrounded (?), they could not escape. A lively battle ensued. Fortunately, the revolutionaries had bombs and drove the foe back them. The enemy pulled back. They went to retrieve the wounded and found that of the fifteen sent, only four were left alive. ______. The Shah's troops were driven back.

It is possible that when Chrdileli participated in the Iranian revolution, he was known as "Sandro."

Sepe Gabichvadze sepe gabiCvaZe

When Komunist ran its first article on Georgians in the Iranian revolution in January 19, 1966, I was interested in looking into TV and was given this tribune on February 17, 1967. I hit upon (?) a number of people who had participated in the Iranian revolution of that time (?) and introduced them to the TV audience. I gave the names which had been confirmed and asked the TV audience for material about them. Among the names was Sepe Gabichvadze, whose participation is mentioned in Nasaridze's autobiography.

That April, I met Sepe's nephew, a deputy in the Gagre (?) city soviet and president of the Komsomol [gives name], who told me somewhat about his uncle and informed me that his two sisters are alive. I contacted them. Upon analysis, I was able to confirm his participation, as well as other biographical facts. He had been born in 1886 or 1887 into a poor, toiling, hard-working family. After finishing elementary school, he started looking for work in various cities in Russian. He went to Tbilisi in 1898 and became a family servant. But his restless nature was not 131 suited for this, and he went to Baku in 1899. He sometimes worked in a restaurant, and sometimes on the docks or the railyards.

In Baku, continued his sister, there were many revolutionaries on the docks, cooks, and barmen who frequently came and observed, were trusty, they did not hid e their beliefs. The inquisitive, big, and physically powerful Sepe got to know Lado Kachxovale, Stepan Shaumian, Aliosha Japaridze, and Sergo Orjonikidze, on whose instructions he participated in expropriations--treasury money was needed for revolutionary work.

Sepe became very well-known as a great revolutionary when in 1907 the Iranian appeal came and he entered (?) Sattar Khan's cavalry. Wasn't the appeal in 1908? He fought the Shah's troops. He remained in Iran until 1910 and thence went to Russia. He worked in a restaurant.

I do not know how he learned, but he knew good Russian, Armenian, and Tatar, according to his sister.

He made the feudalists very sad. He was particularly contemptuous of the police, and hit them with a hard fist, first one, then the other.

From Russian, he went to Central Asia, 1923-1937. He then went to Moscow, worked in social feeding (?). Then he returned to Central Asia. He went to Ferghana. He died in 1938.

Kilele "Terorist" Nadiladze kirele "terrorist" nadilaZe

He was known as the Terrorist" during the 1905-1907 revolution and then in Iran. He was from a peasant family. In that period of industrial capital development in Georgia, the poor peasants of Chiatur, Tqibul, and Batum were eager to get bread. In the Batum in those days, an oil refinery was developing. Rothchild, Manashev, Sideris, etc. were investing and opening oil refineries to refine oil from Baku. Many Gurian and Imereti peasants passed through them and were proletarianized. They were introduced to proletarian liberation ideas and joined the ranks in the struggle against capital. In Batum's Rothchild factory, Kirile worked for three years (1900-1903). After the great strike of 1902 in Batum, in which many workers were fired, they returned to their villages and brought with them Marxist liberation ideas. Such was Kirile. He joined a group which carried out terror against provocateurs and various sadistic agents. And so he was called the Terrorist.

He was under the influence of workers who had returned from Batum. Peasants who had risen up against the Tsar's agent, these workers played a leading role. We have a document dated April 23, 1936, confirmed by the Soviet government, according to which Kirile was a leading participant. 133 He took part in a 1904-1908 red partisan group [details provided] which carried out various terrorist acts and discomfited the Tsar's hangmen for the people.

After the revolution's defeat, due to his many "crimes", he could no longer be seen and, on the Party's orders, went to Iran in 1908 and joined a Gurji group which, according to his fellow-fighters (!?), performed important services for the fedais who were rebelling against the heavy yoke. He used much of the experience he had gained in Georgia. We are not told whether he went to Rasht or to Tabriz. It seems likely that he went to Tabriz.

We do not know anything about what this freedom-loving fighter for the people's liberty, this valiant Georgian, did when he returned from Iran. I know that he worked as Batum's station, but in the end he was a mechanic in Tbilisi. He died in 1943.

Aleksandre Asatiani aleksandre asaTiani

Our first article published in Komunist (January 19, 1966) revealed a Georgian who participated in the Iranian revolution, Aleksandre "Sasha" Ivanis dze Asatiani. His brother sent a letter to the editor, told me he had a letter and a photo which had been written by Aleksandre in Khoi, along with a photo which showed Sattar Khan in which Aleksandre was. Regretably, the family no longer has either this photo or this letter. The police had taken it. The dog ate it.

When General Sransky [Snarsky] passed into Iran, he captured a few Georgian revolutionaries, among them being Aleksandre. But he escaped when the army noticed 134 that he was an officer (it was part of his name/title).

He returned to the army and died in World War I in 1914.

Luka Koiava luka qoiava

He participated in the Rasht struggle. He was born into a poor peasants family in 1888. He was a studious child and finished school with distinction. He wanted to continue with his studies, but was unable to due to his poverty.

He went to Tbilisi in 1902. He made five rubles per month as a servant. He became interested in fighting the Tsar by coming into contact with revolutionary youth. He participated in protest demonstrations. He was arrested and put in prison. He was soon able to escape and each Baku. Did _________ work. In 1907-1908, after the appeal from Iran, he went there and fought with the Iranian peasants (?) in the struggle against the Shah. He was in one of the groups sent over, along with Apolon Japaridze and other Georgians. He participated in the seizure of Rasht's governor's palace and the release of the prisoners.

In 1909, he returned to Baku and continued his revolutionary work. Luka fell into the gendarmerie's hands and was sent to prison, then the Tsar's hangmen executed him for resisting (?) the administration.

Giorgi Menabdishvili giorgi menabdiSvili

He was known in Iran as "Goria". The author has his autobiography. In it, it is written that he was born in 1884. He father worked the land. He was orphaned at eleven. He worked as a wandering farm laborer. In 1902, he went to Tbilisi and did casual labor in a cognac factory, in which he came to agree with revolutionary workers' ideas and carried out with their instructions.

He carried weapons and illegal literature. In 1906, he participated in a terrorist act, the assassination of a Black Hundred priest. He wounded him with two bullets, but he lived. Since then, he was pursued. He went into hiding.

In 1907, the call by the Social Democratic party, Tbilisi section, for volunteers to go to Iran was issued. He went along with Vano Karapetov, Misha Dzagania, Datiko Kalandaishvili, Apolon (Patara Misha) Japaridze, etc., in their group. He actively fought in the seizure of Anzali, Rasht, and Qazvin. Apolon confirms this in his memoirs.

In 1910, he returned to Tbilisi and stayed there a few months. But because the police were pursuing him, he was forced to leave Tbilisi and go to Vladekafkaz. He stayed there some weeks.

In 1918, he returned to Georgia and, up to 1923, farmed in his native village. He fought against the Mensheviks and helped the Red Army.

Since 1925, he lived in Tbilisi and worked at various jobs, factory and office.

Datiko Avlabreli daTiko avlabreli

His biography says that he was from a poor peasant family. He went to Tbilisi for a crust of bread. He worked as a servant for various people and in factories. He became interested in the revolutionary movement and, for various reasons, joined revolutionary organizations. Along with Goria, he went to Iran. The Russo-Japanese war certainly began his work against the Tsar's regime in the army.

He lived to our time. He died in 1940 at 57. He worked in Tbilisi's wine factory. His son died in the Great Patriotic War.

Apolon Kuchava apolon kuWava & Avksenti Nadareishvili avksenti nadareiSvili

They appeared in a picture with Luka Koiava. The first was from a poor peasant family. The author has no details about him. 137 He was shot by the Mensheviks in 1919 or 1920.

The other suffered repression under the Tsar. He went to Iran and never returned.

Giorgi Zaridze giorgi zariZe & Kako Korinteli kako korinTeli

Apolon Japaridze reports that they were sent with him by the Tbilisi organization to Iran. He describes Zaridze to us as a tall, robust, big-moustached, black-haired (?) youth. He worked in the water works and was a locksmith by trade. __________.

Kako was a craftsman and lived in Tbilisi. He was a _____ youth of medium build. They found bombs in his room.

They both returned from Rasht to Baku on the committee's orders, and never went back.

If I find out what happened to Giorgi Zaridze, I will report it to the reader.

Sandro Berdzani sandro berZani

According to his family name, he is Greek ("berdzani"). According to Apolon Japaridze, he was from Tbilisi, lived in Kharpukh. He went to Iran after the Rasht uprising. He was a brave fighter and participated in the taking of Qazvin. He died there. He was buried in the Armenian cemetery in Galavan.

138 Iliko iliko

In Apolon Japaridze's memoirs, there is mention of an Iliko who came to Rasht with ten men from Tbilisi. He was of short build, a craftsman--a tailor. (This might be the same as Mechoxe, whom Bogdanove mentions in his memoirs.) He actively participated in many battles. On the night when Qazvin was seized, _________ Iranian soldiers, who fired two shots into his chest and wounded him. He was respected by his comrades, was sincere, according to Bogdanov.

Grigol Dumbadze grigol dumbaZe

In our article for Komunist (December 27, 1971) called "Valiant Heart," the author reported on Vano Dumbadze.

Research has confirmed that no such person has participated in the Iranian revolution. It seems that the person who reported this information to me mistook the name. It became known that Vladimer Dumbadze's nephew, Grigol "Grisha" Dumbadze, who was from the same village participated in the revolution. After the victory of reaction, he once hid in Bukhara, then went to Iran (!).

In Georgia, after the establishment of Soviet power, he worked in Tbilisi in a bank as a manager. He died in 1961.

139 Vaso vaso

The author only knows him from Bogdanov's memoirs, that he was a cook by trade. He was sent from Baku to Iran. _______________. He was a very simple, respectful youth. He very often went out on reconnaissance with him. He was fearless, didn't flinch (?) from bullets. He had great will power.

Giorgi "Zingari" giorgi "zingari"

Bogdanov says that he died in Rasht. They don't know who he was. "The group had not yet ________, __________- the governor's palace, when a bomb meant for the enemy (?) ________ our Zingeri. No more is this handsome, calm, likeable youth. He was a native of Tbilisi and lived in Zera." He died with Pasha Khan.

Giorgi "Metsaghe" giorgi "mewaRe"

Bogdanov also tells us about a Tbilisi man whose identity is also unestablished. He died in the Qazvin battle. He was a deeply believing Bolshevik, said Bogdanov.

Shalva Dolidze Salva doliZe

He also died in Rasht. The only description of him appears in Gurji Sergo's memoirs.

Sasha-Tato Tskimanauri saSa-tato cqimanauri

All we know is he was a factory worker.

Martin Lolidze martin lolaZe

From Guria.

Gigo Gorele gigo gorele

The author has ony been able to confirm his ______. A humorous, sincere youth. Progressive. _______________.

141 Conclusion.

Much has been done, much is remains to be done.

We have names, without much known about them. Many died in Iran without our knowing anything about them, such as the five arrested in Marand by Shoja` os-Dawle Not Shoja` os-Saltane? They were blinded and killed. We know this through Levan Gamgrelidze. something about the surviving revolutionary getting Shoja` to leave, claiming that a bomb had been set in the castle and that they would take Marand itself. (?) The alliance between the Georgians and Iranians during the 1905-11 revolution continues today in the good-neighborliness and overcomes the old Safavid-Qajar enmity between our ancient peoples. Today, trust, neighborliness, solidarity, mutual recognition and mutual aid.

142 Soviet blah blah blah blah.

Contemporary Iran, this good neighborliness is shown in government circles. Mohammad Reza Pahlavi Shah's leadership, which has chosen the progressive way. Cultural progress, progressive reforms. Details. The oil money used to go into foreign hands or corruption, and now is being used by the nation.

143 Returns to the time when the clever, industrious Iranian people, with the help of the Caucasians, defended the constitution from absolutism. And so now--.

The study is not over. It must not be put off indefinitely. They are worthy of having their names go down in history.

In closing, we want to thank, etc., particularly the editors of Komunist and Georgian television, and particularly the History Candidate V. N. Plastun for his consultation.

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